■ '■■v- ';.':\-'"";-;,'/ri';'i?'»y''\'"- ■J^V.';' ^r;*^"^' •-■■',: iri-^ v- -'^- ■''- :::.' ' 





l&QO )^J 



Class.. E 15^6 



wiTiHiciHr D^usii 






m 









THE LAND OF THE FREE AND THE HOME OF 

THE BRAVE. 



THE 55; 

CITIZENS' GUIDE 



OR 

Modern Americanism 



THE LAWS AND GOVERNMENT OF OUR COUNTRY 
AND INSULAR POSSESSIONS— CAPITAL— LABOR 
—STRIKES^MONEY— RAILROAD COMBINA- 
TIONS AND MODERN INDUSTRIES 
FULLY EXPLAINED — COMPLETE 
EXPOSITION OF NATIONAL 
ENTERPRISES-IRRIGATION— 
PANAMA CANAL— 
ETC., ETC. 



BY 

Prof. J. W. Gibson and E. E. Miller, Pk. B. 



PUBLISHED BY 

L. NICHOLS 8c CO. 

NAPERVILLE, ILL. 



if. 






"Man is born a citizen." — Aristotle. 

'"Education is a better safeguard than a standing army." 
— Edward Everett. 

"He serves his party best who serves his country best." 
— Rutherford B. Hayes. 

"Our greatest danger in this country ;s cooperative 
wealth."— Wendell Phillips. 

"Liberty can be safe only when suffrage is illuminated 
by education." — James A. Garfield. 

"My concern is not whether God is on our side; my 
great concern is to be on God's side, for God is always 
right." — Abraham Lincoln. 




i?->^ 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. 
The Citizen: page. 

Advantages and Responsibilities of American Citi- 
zens 19 

The Duties of an American Citizen 20 

Political Training for the Citizen 22 

The Young Statesman's Opportunities 27 

The Young Man's First Vote 29 

Citizenship 30 

Naturalization Laws 31 

The Rights of an American Citizen 33 

Our Civil and Political Rights 37 

How to Become a Public Speaker 40 

Parliamentary Laws 44 

CHAPTER n. 
Our Country and Its People: 

Origin and Development. 

The Story of American Independence 49 

The Story of the Declaration of Independence. ... 57 

Corner Stones of American History 62 

Origin of Our National Flag 65 

Origin of Thanksgiving Day 70 

Origin of Decoration Day 73 

What the Americans Have Done 73 

The Growth of Our Cities 82 

One of Chicago's Greatest Industries 8T 

Our National Greatness 91 

Our Territory 92 

Our Population 94 

Our Magnificent Scenery 96 

Our Agricultural and Mineral Resources 98 

Our National Wealth 98 

vii 



Vin TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Oar Constitutional Liberties 98 

Our Industry and Ingenuity 100 

Our Philanthropic, Educational and Christian In- 
stitutions 103 

Our Possibilities 103 

Threatening Dangers: 

Immigration 105 

Intemperance 105 

Centralization of Wealth 105 

Government of Large Cities 106 

A Corrupt and Ignorant Ballot 10^7 

CHAPTER III. 

Inventors and Inventions. 

The Cotton Gin 109 

Story of the First Sewing Machine 110 

Prof. Morse's Trial 113 

Story of the First Electric Telegraph 116 

Laying of the Atlantic Cable 118 

Different Submarine Lines 120 

Printing Telegraphs 120 

First Steamboat 121 

Story of the F'irst Railroad 124 

Story of the First Street Car 128 

A New Era in Traveling 132 

Invention of the Electric Light 133 

Type Setting Machines 136 

Discovery of the Telephone 137 

Invention of the Typewriter 137 

The X Rays 13» 

CHAPTER IV. 
Our Government. 
State Papers. 

The Declaration of Independence 142 

The Constitution 147 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. tX 

PAGE. 

The Emancipation Proclamation - 159 

Departments of Our Government 160 

How Bills are Passed and Laws made in Congress. , 162 
Our Congress Compared with European Parliaments 168 
Changes in Coneresa 176 

CHAPTER V. 

Voting, the Ballot, and Ballot Reform. 

History of Voting 180 

The Australian Badot 184 

Registration Laws 185 

Qualifications for Voting 186 

Educational and Property Qualifications for Voting., 191 

Ballot Reform 193 

Cumulative Voting- 193 

Shall Women Vote ?. 19'7 

Where Women Vote 204 

CHAPTER VI. 

Parties, Rise and Fall. 

Rise and Rage of Political Issues 209 

Origin of Political Parties in America 217 

Party Government 224 

The Spoils System in American Politics 233 

Filibustering, or Legislative Obstructions 239 

Gerrymandering 241 

Political Complexion of the States 245 

The Presidents and their Cabinets 246 

Popular Vote for President 250 

Presidential Vote 251 

Electoral Vote by States 252 

Immigration 253 

Families and Homes 254 

Religious Denominations 255 



X TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PASE. 

CHAPTER VII. 

National and Private Enterprises. 

The Panama Canal 256 

National Irrigation 280 

U. S. Irrigation Statistics 262 

Great Railway Combinations 263 

Railroad Accidents 270 

Private Cars 272 

The Farmer 276 

Number and Value of Horses and Mules 278 

Number and Value of Cows, etc 279 

Number and Value of Sheep and Swine 280 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Current Topics and Problems. 

Education and Crime 281 

Prison Labor and Prison Reform 283 

Different Methods of Capital Punishment 286 

Mortgage Debt 295 

Origin and History of Our Common School System 297 

The Hope of Our Public Schools 302 

School Savings Banks and How to Organize Them. 306 

Military Training in Public Schools 312 

United States Naval School 315 

United States Militar}* Academy 318 

United States Lands and Land Laws, Foreign 

Ownership 319 

Civil Service Reform— Principles and Rules. . . 326-335 
Government of Large Cities 336 

CHAPTER IX. 
Issues of the Day. 
Strikes. 

Complete History 339 

Pullman Strike 343 

Anthracite Coal Strike .348 

Stock Yards Strike 352 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. M 

PAGE. 

Strikes and Lockouts 353 

Wages in European and American Cities 353 

Teamsters' Strike 354 

Arbitration 356 

Right and Wrong of Strikes 358 

Labor, Laws and Legislation 362-371 

Intemperance, Blighting Curse of Labor 372 

The Nation's Drink Bill 376 

Wines and Liquors Consumed 376 

Problem of the American Tramp 378 

Trusts — Cause and Effects 383 

Sherman Antitrust Law 386 

Evils of Monopoly 387 

Government Control of Railroads 394 

Right of Control 396 

Protectidb and Free Trade 399 

Tariff, History of United States 403 

McKinley and W^ilson Bills Compared 407 

Reciprocity 409 

Tariff Commission League 410 

Tariff Tables 411 

Panics, History of all Financial Panics 420 

Money: First Issued in America 436 

Paper Money in the United States 440 

Different Commodities Used as Money 442 

Philosophy and Laws of Use of Money 443 

Dimensions of All Gold and Silver 449 

Chief Coins of the United States 451 

Stock of Gold and Silver 452 

Product of Gold and Silver 453 

Government Receipts and Expenditures 454 

History of Gold and Silver Legislation 455 

Legal Tender 457 

Explanation of "16 to 1" 458 

Free Coinage 460 

Bimetallism 461 

Silver Demonetization 461 



XII TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

The Volume of Money 462 

"Sound Money" by Secretary Carlisle 464 

"Free Silver" by Senator Teller 466 

Good Times 469 

CHAPTER X. 

Miscellaneous Facts and Figures. 

The Monroe Doctrine 472 

International Arbitration 473 

Government of Our Insular Possessions 474 

The Worlds Richest Men 477 

Grand Army Membership 478 

Total Cost of Pensions 479 

Universities and Colleges 480 

Occupations in the U. S 482 

State Nicknames and Flowers 483 

Carnegie's Gifts 484 

Population of Cities 485 

Wars of the United States 486 

Cost of Wars of the United States 487 

Chronology of Recent Wars 488 

Armies and Navies of the World 489 

Alphabetical Index 490 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE. 

After Election 236 

Alger, Senator 177 

American Enterprise 101 

Amerigo Vespucci 146 

Apart from Busy Scenes 97 

Assignment, After the 431 

Australian Ballot 184 

Bank, The Run on 419 

Bayard, Thomas F 398 

Before Election 325 

Beheading Block 35 

Bryan, William J 459 

Calhoun, John C 41 

Cent, Massachusetts and Connecticut 443 

Chair Used by First Congress 55 

Chicago in 1832 86 

Choate, Hon. Joseph H 45 

Cleveland, Mrs. Grover 197 

Closing School 303 

Coal Miner's Lot 371 

Coins of the United States 437 

Coins, First United States 451 

Commercial Trip 382 

Congress, Assembled in 179 

Continental Money 438 

Darn My Stockings 206 

Debs, Eugene V 347 

Decorating Graves of Heroes 72 

Dimensions of Gold and Silver 450 

Discovery of Printing 117 

xiii 
9. 



XIV ILLUSTRATIONS. 

^ . ^ . . , X, PAGE. 

Doing Basiness with Boys 307 

Dow, General Neal 372 

Edison, Thomas A 13,5 

Effects of Monopoly 394 

Election Returns 232 

Electric Lights on Warships 134 

Electrical Execution 296 

Events of 19th Century 108 

Execution in China 292 

Execution in I taly 290 

Execution of Kempler 296 

Fakir 440 

Faneuil Hall 64 

Father, Son and Mother 199 

First Bicycle 132 

First Farm in New England 74 

First Hotel in Boston 77 

First Railroad Engine 125 

First Railroad Train 126 

First Steamboat 120 

First Telegraph Instrument 115 

First Warship 79 

Flags of United States 65-69 

Foreigners 30 

Foreign Ownership of Land 323 

Franklin, Benjamin 28 

Franklin Before French Court 63 

French Typewriter 138 

Frontispiece 

Fuller, Chief Justice 154 

Fulton's First Steamboat 121 

Fulton, Robert 123 

Gerrymander District, First 243 

Gerrymandering 242 

Gould, Geo. J 267 

Governor's House in New York 92 



ILLUSTRATIONS. XV 

PAGE. 

Grandfathers' Voting Place 190 

Great Tunnel 395 

Guillotine Execution 294 

Hamilton, Alexander 147 

Hanging for Mutiny 286 

Henry, Patrick, Addressing Congress 52 

Henry, Patrick 42 

Hill, James J 269 

Homeless, but Willing to Work 380 

Home of the First Law- Maker in America 37 

Home of Our Grandmother 75 

Honest Industry 38 

Howe, Elias HI 

House of First Telegraph Instrument 116 

House of Lords 172 

Independence Hall 49 

Jail Yard 297 

Jay, John, Chief Justice 150 

Jefferson's Desk 51 

Killing Cattle at Armour's 87 

Land Owned by Foreigners 323 

Last of Their Race 95 

Luxury 406 

Lynch Law 34 

Man's Fears Realized 207 

Man Who Never Reads the Papers 107 

Market Wagon, Fifty Years Ago 93 

Massa Says We're Free 161 

Military Training in Public Schools 413 

Mitchell, John .349 

Modern Dining Car 127 

Modern Warship 80 



XVl ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

Morse. Prof. Samuel F. B 114 

Mortgage Grip ;J84 

Mt. Holyoke Seminary 102 

National Capitol 170 

National Executive Committee 229 

New York Harbor 83 

New York in 1612 82 

New York in 1846 83 

No School in Reach 298 

No Thanksgiving Here 230 

Not Recognized 333 

Old Style 90 

Our Rights, "Clear Comfort" 39 

Palmer, Senator John M 195 

Panama Canal 257 

Parkhurst, Rev. Dr 336 

Parliament Building 174 

Party Orator 226 

Passing Stamp Act in Parliament 53 

Piatt, Thomas C 178 

Political Gathering 401 

Political Map of 1894 231 

Politicians Fixing Ticket 238 

Prisoners at Work 284 

Pueblo Smelting Works 104 

Punishment in Olden Times 33 

Reed, Thomas B 47 

Remington Typewriter 138 

Removal for Cause 325 

Revenue Collector's Office 399 

Roosevelt, Theodore 5 

Russell, William 217 

Scene in Congress 166 

School Savings Bank 310 

Sea Battle 316 



ILLUSTRATIONS. XTvril 

PAGE. 

Shilling, New England 436 

Shilling, New Hampshire 441 

Shilling, Maryland 442 

Signing Declaration of Independence 143 

Simpson, Jerry • • • 324 

Skeleton of a Frog 140 

Sovereign, J. R 366 

Stage Coach 131 

Stevenson, Adlai 163 

Stevenson, John 128 

Sticking Hogs at Armour's 88 

Strike of Coal Miners 340 

Strikers Attacking Proprietor 342 

Strike in Chicago 344 

Strike in South Chicago 346 

Strikes, Effects of 359 

Successful Candidate 328 

Sumner, Charles 23 

Surveying Land 319 

Sutler's Mill "78 

Talking Politics 208 

Teaching School, Old Way 299 

Teaching School, New Way 301 

Temperance Temple 377 

Thanksgiving Sleighride 71 

Township with Section Lines 321 

Tramp, the Professional 379 

Tramp Who Earned His Meal 381 

Type-Setting Machine 136 

United States Seal 439 

Vail, Judge Steven 119 

Valley Forge 61 

Vanderbilt, Wm, K 264 

Wall Street, New York 21» 

Waltham Watch Works 76 



XVlll ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGB 

Ward Heeler 234 

Washkigtons Fireplace 19 

Washington's Official Carriage 62 

Washington Resigning His Commission 2G 

Webster, Daniel 40 

Whitney's Cotjon Gin 110 

Wilson, W. L 408 

Woman's Rights 205 

Woman Who Would Vote 203 

Woman Who Would Not Vote .' 201 

Wright, Carroll D 277 

Wright, Luke E 474 

Young America's Idea of Liberty 99 



CHAPTER I. 



THE CITIZEN. 




General Washington's Fire Place. 

Advantages and Responsibilities 
an American Citizen. 



of 



1. Advantages. — Our age is indeed a golden age. We 
are favored as no other people. Our advantages greatly 
surpass those of the citizen of any other nation of the world. 
This is clearly seen in our natural facilities, our delight in 
scientific research, the increased intelligence and quicken- 
ing of the public mind, the diffusion and popularizing of 
knowledge through the press, as well as the demand for even 
a greater dissemuiation of knowledge among all classes. 

2. Responsibilities.— These advantages bring with them 
corresponding responsibilities. Bound to allegiance on the 
one hand and entitled to protection on the other.the American 
citizen is of necessity compelled to inform himself on the 
principles of government, the progress and development of 

19 



aO DUTIES OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 

the nation, including the living issues of the day. Our 
nation is what we as citizens make it. The citizen can 
make its future as the full blown flower of which the pres- 
ent is but the opening bud, or by a selfish neglect of duties 
he may permit imminent and threatening dangers to thwart 
the growth, if not to overthrow the nation whose possibili- 
ties were never equaled. Safe citizenship demands a care- 
ful study of our country and its peuijle, our government 
and all the questions of vital interest constantly pressing to 
the front. He who will not inform himself upon the living 
issues of the day and interest himself in these subjects so 
essential to national life, does not deserve the name of citi- 
zen, and by his very ignorance and selfishness becomes in 
fact, if not in intention, an enemy of his own nation. We 
rightfully boast of the grandeur of our nation, of the achieve- 
ments of the past, of a promising future, but we cannot 
make too emphatic the fact that great as are the advan- 
tages and possibilities; the dangers are correspondingly 
great and awful will be the calamity if the citizen fails to 
realize his responsibility as a member of the body politic. 

"England expects every man to do his duty," said Nel- 
son on the eve of a great battle. Our nation can expect 
nothing less of every indiviiluai citizen in the coming con- 
flict with ignorance and vice, (iivcn these conditions in 
which the citizen realizes his responsibilities and our future 
is no longer in the scale of doubt. 



Duties of an American Citizen. 

1. Political Rights. — F^very American or foreign-born 
citizen of the United States has certain political privileges 
and inalienable rights. In order to sustain a good govern- 
ment everv man should exercise his political rights to the 
best of his kiunvlodge. As every citizen is protected by the 
government he shouli' not shrink from his duty in giving 
to the state certain protection whenever he may be called 
upon to do so. We need better citizenship, more educa- 
tion, and a better knowledge of our system of government. 
Every man should be able to vote intelligently. 

2. Your Duty. — It is your duty as an American citizen 
to obey the laws, even if they are, in your belief, unjust or 
unwise. General Grant once shrewdly said that the best 
way to procure the repeal of an unjust or unwise law was to 
rigorously enforce it. It is your rii:jhtto expose the folly or 
injustice of a law, to demand its repeal, and to try to get a 
majority to repeal it. But while it remains a law, you are 
to obey it 



I>UT«i« OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 21 

3. Voting at the Polls.— It is the duty of every Ameri- 
can citizen to exercise his right to vote at all the primaries 
and all the elections to which he is eligible. The American 
people are too indifferent in nominating and supporting 
men lor office. To put up a ticket is too frequently left to 
a lot of "bummer" politicians, and the masses vote the 
ticket because it is gotten up by the "bummers" of their 
party. When selfish and unprincipled politicians control 
the election, incompetent and unworthy men are put up 
and elected to office. Indifference on the part of the people 
is the curse of American politics. Every citizen should go 
to the caucuses or primaries and insist upon the nomination 
of good men, and if incompetent or unworthy men are 
nominated refuse to support them. Every good citizen 
should support the best man for the office, regardless of 
politics, when it becomes a question of fitness, and refuse to 
vote for a man whom he knows to be unworthy and 
unqualified to fill the office for which he has been nomi- 
nated. It is a dangerous thing to vote for a man simply 
because he has been nominated by a certain party. Let 
merit and ability be the claim for office. 

4. Prompt Execution of the Laws. — It is your duty to 
insist upon the prompt execution of the laws; to be ready, 
even at much personal inconvenience, to aid in their enforce- 
ment, if you are called upon by proper officers; and to 
resent with indignation every sign of lawlessness and vio- 
lence, and require its vigorous suppression. For instance, 
if a riot should break out in a city where you are living, you 
are not to go out of town until it subsides, but you are to 
hasten to offer your support to the authorities, and to require 
their prompt and decisive action to restore order. 

5. Grand or Petit. — It is your duty — if you are a voter 
— to serve, when called on, as a grand or petit juror ; and 
this at even great inconvenience. 

6. Act Generally with Some Political Party. — It is 
your duty to act generally vviih some political party and to 
exert your influence upon its leaders to induce the nomina- 
tion of capable and honest men for office. And it is your 
duty, if your party nominates a bad man, to vote against 
him and thus keep the public and general good before your 
eyes, and set an example of true public spirit before your 
fellows. 

7. Watch the Conduct of Public Officers. — It is your 
duty to watch the conduct of public officers, to see that they 
perform their duties and observe their constitutional limita- 
tions ; and if they do not, then it is your duty to help to 



^ POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. 

expose them and at the election to punish then?. For it is 
only by such vigilance that a nation can preserve its liber- 
ties unimpaired. These are your political duties, which you 
cannot neglect or abjure without disgrace to yourself and 
harm to the country. 

8. Party Government, — As party government is inevi- 
table and necessary in a free country, it is the duty of every 
citizen to attend the primary meetings of the party with 
which he acts. If honest and intelligent men neglect the 
primaries, they thereby hand the control of their party over 
to bad men. It is important to the welfare of the country 
that all the political parties shall be controlled by wise 
and honest men; for a corrupt or debased minority 
can offer but a feeble opposition to the majority, and i» 
reality helps to strengthen and to animate the majority; 
whereas a powerful, honest and intelligent minority com^ 
pels the majority to govern carefully and honestly. The 
demoralization of the party which is in the minority may 
thus, as you see, bring calamities on a country. 



Political Training for the Citizen. 

1. Duty of Citizens. — Since any male citizen of suitable 
age may become a legislator or an officeholder, while 
every citizen has an appreciable influence upon the politi- 
cal life of his neighborhood, it is evident that every citizen 
of the United States ought to have some intelligent com- 
prehension not only of the essential features of our own 
government, national, state and local or municipal, but also 
of the fundamental principles of political rights, political 
economy and political science. 

2. Citizens from Two Sources. — We get our supply of 
new citizens from two sources — immigration and the grow- 
ing up of American children. We are all keenly alive to the 
dangers that threaten our government when ignorant and 
immoral foreigners are made citizens by hundreds and 
thousands. Our United States laws are explicit in requir- 
ing evidence of fitness for citizenship before naturalization 
papers are granted. "It shall be made to appear to the 
satisfaction of the court admitting such alien, (a) that he 
has resided in the United States at least five years, (b) and 
that during that time he has behavotl as a man of good 
moral character, (c) attached to the principles of the con- 
stitution of the United States, (d) and well disposed to the 
peace and good order of the same." That is the law. 



POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. 



23 



3. Making Citizens of Foreigners. — How safe we should 
be from the pernicious effect of much ignorance and vicious 
anarchism which now trouble us if committees of good citi- 
zens had attended at our courts of naturalization and had 
forced home upon the consciousness of all officers of the 




CHARLES SUMNER, 
America's Ablest Statesman. 



law who have power to grant naturalization papers, the will 
of the people, that this wise law be obeyed! But in practice 
these provisions of the law are a dead letter, as any one 
knows who has sat for a few hours in any of our large cities 
and has seen the purely mechanical method of making 
American citizens out of foreigners — ignorant, reckless, too 



34 POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. 

often manifestly immoral and besotted. The process is 
" mechanical," because it is usually conducted in the interest 
of one or the other of the party " machines." By its agents 
the machine brings these undeserving candidates to the 
court and pays their way through, that it may " vote them " 
afterward. The shame and the danger to our government 
are manifest. 

4. Obligations of State and School. — But the great 
majority of our citizens come to us not from the immigrant 
steamships, but from the public schools! What are our 
schools doing to provide the United States with citizens in- 
telligent enough upon matters political and patriotic enough 
to secure the permanent success of our form of government 
"by the people, for the people?" 

5. Obligation of the State — The obligation of the state 
to maintain the school we hear often enough emphasized. 
Is the obligation of the school to support the state by using 
all right means to train good citizens as frankly recognized 
and as fairly met ? In our school system, is there a large 
enough place made for those studies which promote intelli- 
gent patriotism, voluntary obedience to law, and public- 
spirited interest in public affairs? 

6. Germany's Admirable Plan. — In Germany it became 
a fundamental maxim of state policy a century ago "what 
you would have come out in the life of a nation you must 
put into the schools and the universities." The wonderful 
vigor of the national life of Germany in these last decades 
is directly traceable to her observance of this law of self- 
preservation applied by the state to Germany's educational 
system, in which patriotism is steadily and systematically 
inculcated, and in the fitting of young men for the proper 
discharge of public duties has an important place. 

7. iPatriotism the Strength of a Nation. — Of our forms 
of government, as of everything else tliat is precious in life, 
it is true that "if we would preserve it we must love it." 
And intelligent study of the underlying principles of gov- 
ernment will stimulate a just pride in our own form of gov- 
ernment and will furnish a rational basis and a sure sup- 
port for that loyal spirit of true patriotism which is the 
strength of a nation. 

8. The Principles of Good Citizenship.— All colleges 
which deserve the name now furnish full instruction in such 
themes. But important as is the influence of liberally edu- 
cated men upon the life of .America, it is but a small per- 
centage of our voters who in ihcir school studies rc.ich the 
college course, or even the high school. It is most im- 
portant that all citizens, girls and boys alike, in all our 



POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. 25 

schools should have elementary instruction in the principles 
of good citizenship. It is the mothers of our boys and the 
early school life of our boys that largely determine the life- 
bias' toward good citizenship or bad citizenship for the great 
mass of our voters. 

9. Value of Good Mothers. — An intelligent, public-spir- 
ited mother is almost by necessity the mother of patriotic 
sons and daughters. Given good mothers in this respect and 
good sons follow. To the ambitious mother who asked the 
witty English divine "how she could make sure that her 
son should one day become a bishop," he replied, " first get 
him born right." This goes to the root of the matter. And 
the next step, that we may have as many boys as possible 
early trained in the principles and the spirit of good citi- 
zenship, is to see that mothers, sisters and teachers are 
intelligently awake to the reponsibility of residence among 
a self-governing people. The girls and the women of our 
country should be (as we believe many of them are) intel- 
ligent patriots, with clear knowledge and sound convictions 
upon matters of public interest in the state. 

10. School Life of the Boy. — In his school life the con- 
ditions are so essentially different from those of his home 
life that the boy virtually begins his social life when he 
enters school. At home in the family love self-denial was 
the law. In the school, as in the state, consideration of 
justice, of equity, of impartiality, must have the first place. 
"What relations with others, my equals, are possible for 
me?" is the question the schoolboy is practically answering, 
day by day, whether or not he puts it into words. The way 
he carries himself among his schoolmates, the standards of 
honor and of behavior which he accepts and helps to form, 
will go with him through life. The school by its tone and 
spirit, as well as by its studies, determines in no slight degree 
the nature of those relations with his fellows — relations just 
and harmonious, or selfish and discordant— which are to 
make or mar his life as man and citizen. 

11. Responsibility of the Teacher. — Teachers with 
whom rests the responsibility of fixing these standards in 
school life, will not train their pupils intelligently for the 
duties and responsibilities of citizenship unless they have 
themselves given time and attention and loving thought to 
the principles of sound government and to the demands 
which popular government, if it succeeds, must constantly 
make upon the citizen for moral thoughtfulness, self-con- 
trol and public spirit. The study of the history of our 
country, with emphasis upon shining examples of patriotism 
and disinterested goodness; patriotic songs in the school- 



26 



POLITICAL TRAINING FOR THE CITIZEN. 



room; patriotic selections for reading and declamation, 
these help to form the true spirit and tone in the school. 
But more than this is needed. 

12. Begin to Teach the Citizen Early. — There should 
be in all our schools (and in a " grade " not so far advanced 
that most children leave school before they reach it) simple, 
clear, convincing teaching of the elementary principles of 
government; of the purpose and design of law and govern- 
ment; of the ultimate foundation of all government upon 





/ 



Washington Resigningr His Commission. 

justice, equity, righteousness,' upon the moral law, and of 
the supreme authority of that law over majorities as well as 
minorities, however '* free " the form of government may be. 
Every young citizen should early be taught that a majority 
has a right to do what it pleases only wlien it pleases to do 
what is right. Even in his early school d lys every future 
citizen should learn to feel the solemn responsibility which 
rests upon every citizen of a free state to govern himself 
thoughtfully, voluntarily and strictly. 



THE YOUNG STATESMAN'S OPPORTUNITIES. 27 

13. Duty of Americans. — But whatever may be done or 
(eit undone by our schools, let Americans see to it that in 
the great svstem of public schools which is so closely con- 
nected with our national life there be early introduced, 
steadily pursued and strongly emphasized, such studies as 
tend directly to make moral, intelligent, loyal citizens, who 
understand and love not only their rights but also their 
duties as citizens of the United States. 6ur highest interests 
depend upon this. Then only can government by the peo- 
ple be carried on with safety to the people. If as is uni- 
versally conceded, " Salus populi lex suprema," — " The 
welfare of the people is the highest law" — then it is wisdom 
to direct the peaceful policy of national education so as to 
hold sacred this maxim in moments of crises and manifest 
danger to the state. 



The Young Statesman's Opportuni= 

ties. 

1. Political Advantages.— What our country at the 
present time most needs is more thoroughly honest, com- 
petent and educated young men. Our legislatures are made 
up of men entirely unfit to make laws for the state. Our 
congressmen seem to lose sight of the principles of patriot- 
ism and statesmanship, in their partisan struggle for 
supremacy and power. In every department of government, 
both legislative and executive, there is not only room, but a 
serious need for a higher ideal of statesmanship. Every 
young man should fit himself not only to become a good 
citizen who can vote mtelligently, but he should prepare 
himself to assume the responsibilities of office. It is uncer- 
tain when he may be called uoon to serve the people in 
some higher capacity than private citizenship. This coun- 
try is rich in both political and financial opportunities. 
Every young man should become familiar with its past 
history as well as with the political questions of the day. 

2. America is Another Name for Opportunity. — Its 
whole history appears like a last effort of the Divine Provi- 
dence on behalf of the human race. To have the age, in 
which so much has been done, brought to the intellectual 
conception of mankind as " new and exceptional," was a 
fine literary effort. But, above all these things to have it 
once and forever realized, not only by the people here 




BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SCIENTIST, STATES- 
MAN, AND PHILOSOPHER. 

28 



THE YOUNG MAN'S FIRST VOTE. 29 

themselves, but by the world, that "America was another 
name for Opportunity," imparted a comprehensive sweep 
and scope to the idea of how mankind might be benefited 
by this gift, in this age. It was a message specially designed, 
not only to stimulate the people of the continent itself, but 
to notify and guide the rest of the world to an appreciation 
of the chances of success that awaited them here. 

The Young Man's First Vote. 

1. More than One Million Young Men will have their 
first opportunity next presidential election to cast a vote for 
a president of the United States. For all those of this vast 
army of our citizens of the future who participate in the 
coming election it will be their tirst entrance into national 
politics. And that first vote weighs many times as much as 
any one that will follow it. Of itself it counts no more in 
the bailot-box than any other vote, but it determines largely 
the character of those that will come after it. 

2. Man's Conduct. — Man's conduct is regulated by a 
great variety of circumstances. In politics, once his choice 
of a party has been made, his associations, his pride of 
opinion, his sentiment of loyalty, all combine and are helped 
by other considerations to deter him from changing his 
party relations. 

3. Your Political Future. — Men do break away from 
their early political associations, but they are exceptions. 
Consequently, the first vote will probably determine your 
political future. See that you make the right choice and 
ally yourself with the party whose history, achievements, 
and aims attract you to it. 

4. Party Changes. — Most young men vote as their 
fathers do. They are Republicans, Democrats, Populists, 
or Prohibitionists because their fathers are, and the chances 
are that they will always vote that ticket. It is unfortunate 
that so little independent thinking is done. The few furnish 
the brains and the argument for the masses, and, conse- 
quently, the country is cursed with bad politics and badly 
enforced laws. 

5. The Right Principles. — Young man, think for your- 
self and vote your convictions. Look over the field and 
vote for the best men. When you see an incompetent or 
unworthy man on your ticket, don't vote for him. Remem- 
ber that no party can rise above the moral character of the 
men that represent its principles. Vote for good men re- 
gardless of party, and you will do your duty as a good citi- 
zen. Bad men must be kept out of office. If your party 
puts up an unprincipled man, rebuke the party by refusing 
to vote for him. 

3 



30 



CITIZENSHIP. 







l; 










OUR FOREIGN FRIEND FURNISHING MUSIC 
FOR THE PUBLIC. 



Citizenship. 



A citizen is a person born or naturalized in the United 
States. Men, women and cliildren are citizens. A citizen 
of tlie United States residin>j in any state of the Union is a 
citizen of that state. Naturalization conferring citizenship 
is a federal right, and is a gift of the Union, not of any one 
state. Citizenship does not carry with it the right to vote. 
All male citizens twenty-one years of age are voters, but all 



i 



NATURALIZATION LAWS. 31 

voters are not citizens. (See table of qualifications for 
voters on another page.) 



Naturalization Laws of the United 

States. 

The conditions under and the manner in which an alien 
may be admitted to become a citizen of the United States 
are prescribed by the Revised Statutes of the United States. 

DECLARATION OF INTENTIONS, 

Ihe alien must declare upon oath before a circuit or 
district court of the United States or a district or supreme 
court of the territories, or a court of record of any of the 
states having common law jurisdiction and a seal and clerk, 
two years at'least prior to his admission, that it is, bona fide, 
his mtention to become a citizen of the United States, and 
to renounce forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign 
prince or state, and particularly to the one of which he may 
be at the time a citizen or subject. 

OATH ON APPLICATION FOR ADMISSION. 

He must at the time of his application to be admitted de- 
clare on oath, before some one ot the courts above specified, 
"that he will support the Constitution of the United States, 
and that he absolutely and entirely renounces and abjures 
all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, 
state or sovereignty, and particularly, by name, to the 
prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty of which he was be- 
fore a citizen or subject," which proceedings must be re- 
corded by the clerk of the court. 

CONDITIONS FOR CITIZENSHIP. 

If it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court to which 
the alien has applied that he has made a declaration to be- 
come a citizen two years before applying for final papers, 
and has resided continuously within the United States for at 
least five years, and within the state or territory where 
such court IS at the time held one year at least; and that 
during that time "he has behaved as a man of good moral 
character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of 
the United States, and well disposed to the good order and 
happiness of the same," he will be admitted to citizenship. 

TITLES OF NOBILITY. 

If the applicant has borne any hereditary title or order 
of nobility, he must make an express renunciation of the 
same at the time of his application. 



3J> KATUKALIZAXIUN LAWlfik 

SOLDIERS. 

Any alien of the age of twenty-one years and upward who 
has been in the armies of the United States, and has been 
honorably discharged therefrom, may become a citizen on 
his petition, without any previous declaration of intention, 
{.rovided that lie has resided in the United States at least 
one year previous to his application, and is of good moral 
character. (It is judicially decided that residence of one 
year in a particular state is not requisite.) 

MINORS. 

Any alien under the age of twenty-one years who has 
resided in the United States three years next preceding his 
arriving at that age, and who has continued to reside therein 
to the time he may make ap| licationtobe admitted a citizen 
thereof, may, after he arrives at the age of twenf-one 
years, and after he has resided five years within the United 
States, including the three years of his minority, be admitted 
a citizen; but he must make a declaration on oath and prove 
to the satisfaction of the court that for two years next pre- 
ceding it has been his bona fide intention to become a 
citizen. 

CHILDREN OF NATURALIZED CITIZENS. 

The children of persons who have been duly naturalized, 
being under the age of twenty-one years at the time of 
naturalization of their parents, shall, if dwelling in the 
United States, be considered as citizens thereof. 

citizens' CHILDREN WHO ARE BORN ABROAD. 

The children of persons who now are or have been citi- 
zens of the United States are, though born out of the limits 
and jurisdiction of the United States, considered as citizens 
thereof. 

CHINESE. 

The naturalization of Chinamen is expressly prohibited 
by Section 14, Chapter 12H, Laws of l^'^-. (.See ii.'ic on 
a succeeding pagej. 

PROTECTION ABROAD TO NATURALIZED CITIZENS. 

Section 2,000 of the Revised Statues of the United States 
declares that "all naturalized citizens of the United States 
while in foreign countries are entitled to and shall receive 
from this government the same protection of persons and 
property which is accorded to native-born citizens." 



THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 



33 




Public Punishment in Olden Times. 

The Rights of an American Citizen. 

1. Republican Principles. — Under this head the Bill of 
Rights declares: 

That all power is inherent in the people: 

That governments exist for their good, and by their 
consent; 

That all freemen are equal; 

That no title or nobility shall be conferred; 

That exclusive privileges shall not be granted except in 
consideration of public services; 

That all elections shall be free and equal. 

2. Personal Security.— In the interest of the personal 
security of the citizen, it is provided: 

That the people shall be secure in their persons, houses, 
papers, and possessions, from unreasonable seizures and 
searches. 

That warrants to seize and to search persons and things 
must describe them by oath or affirmation; 

That there shall be no imprisonment for debts, except 
in case of fraud. 

3. Private Property. — To secure the rights of private 
property, the bill declares: 

That private property shall not be taken for public use 
without just compensation; 

And in some states that long leases of agricultural lands 
shall not be made. 

4. Freedom of Conscience. — To induce the entire free- 
dom of conscience of the citizen, it is declared: 



34 



THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 







LYNCH LAW. 

Breaking Open the Jail and Publicly Executingr 
Two Criminals. 

That there shall be perfect religious freedom, but not cov- 
ering immoral practices; 

That there shall be no state church; 

That no religious test shall be required for performing 
anypublic function; 

That the rights of conscience are free from human control. 

5. Freedom of Speech and of the Press. — To maintain 
the rightful freedom of the press, the bill guarantees: 

That printing presses may be used by all; 
That every citizen may freely speak, write, and print 
upon any subject, being responsible for the abuse of the right. 

6. Freedom of Assembly. — The right of assembly is 
secured by the provision: 

That the people may peaceably assemble for the public 
good, to discuss questions of public interest; and 

That they may petition the government for redress of 
grievances. 

7. Rights of the Accused. — Among the worst abuses of 
tyranny in all ages have been the corruption of the courts 
and the denial of the rights of common justice. To guard 
against these it is expressly provided: 



THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. 



36- 



That the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended 
except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public 
safety may require it; 

That, except in capital cases, persons charged with crime 
may give bail; 

That no excessive bail shall be required; 

That all courts shall be open; 

That the accused shall have a speedy trial in the district 
in which the offense was committed; 

That the ancient mode of trial by jury shall be main- 
tained; but civil suits, by consent of the parties may be 
tried without a jury; 

That all persons injured in lands, goods, person or repu- 
tation shall have remedy bv course of law; 

That the accused shall be informed of the nature of the 
charges against him; 

That he shall be confronted by the witnesses agamst him; 

That he shall be heard in his own defense, and may 
have the benefit of counsel; 

That he shall not be required to testify against hmi self ; 

That he shall not be deprived of life, liberty or prop- 
erty except by due process of law; ^ 

That no cruel or unusual punishment shall be mflicted; 

That no one shall be twice placed in jeopardy for the 

same offense. ... • -i 

8. Rights.— All citizens, says Peterman in his civil 

government, have a right to the full and equal protection 

of the laws. Each has a right to be secure in his person 

and properly; to 
demand that the 
peace be pre- 
served; to do all 
things according to 
bis own will, pro- 
vided he does not 
trespass upon the 
rights of others. 
No one in the fam- 
ily, in the school, 
in the civil district, 
in the country, in 
the state, or in the 
nation has the 
right to do or say 
anything which 
interferes with the life, liberty, property or happiness of 
another. Any act which interferes with the rights of others- 




.$^5N 



THE BEHEADING liLOCK. 



36 THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN' CITIZEN. 

is an offense against the common good and against the law. 
It is chiefly for the prevention and punishment of these 
unlawful acts that the civil district exists, with its court and 
its officers. 

9. Legal Voters. — All legal voters of the district have 
the right to jjarticipate in its government by exercising a 
free choice in the selection of its officers, except in states 
where these officers are appointed. They have the right to 
cast tlieir votes without fear or favor. This is one of the most 
important and sacred rights that freemen possess. Free 
government cannot exist without it. The law guarantees 
it, and all the power of the state may be employed to main- 
tain it. Therefore whoever prevents a voter from exercis- 
ing the rights of suffrage does it at his own peril. 

10. Duties. — A-; the citizens of the civil district have 
rights, they also have corresponding duties. As they may 
demand protection and the preservation of the peace, so it 
is their duty to obey the law and assist the officers 
in its enforcement, in order that the same protection may 
be ext-^nded to the whole people. Each should abstain 
from ac-s that injure others, and render cheerful aid to all 
in secur.ng their rights through the law. 

11. Qualified Voters. — All qualified voters have the right, 
and it is also their duty, to vote. The voters elect the officers 
of the district, and are therefore its rulers. When they fail 
to vote, they fail to rule, fail to do their duty to the people 
and to themselves. Theduty to vote implies the duty to vote 
right, to vote for good men and for good measures. There- 
fore, men should study their duty as voters that they may 
elect honest, capable, faithful officers, and support the par- 
ties and principles that will best promote the good of the 
country. Every man should study his political duty with 
the best light that he can obtain, decide what is right, and 
then vote his sentiments honestly and fearlessly. If the 
district has good governn\ent, the voters deserve the credit; 
if it has bad government, the voters deserve the blame. 






OUR CIVIL AND TOLITICAL RIGHTS. 



37 




The Home of the First Law Maker in America. 



Our Civil and Political Rights. 

I. Inalienable Rights.— Our civil and political rights 
are sometimes called inalienable rights because they can- 
not be taken away, except as a punishment for some crime. 
They are our natural rights and are not conferred by any 
earthly power, but are given to every human being at his 
birth. They are: 

(1) The Right to Personal Security; that is, the right to 
be free from attack and annoyance; 

(2) The Right of Personal Liberty; that is, to go when 
and where he pleases, providing he does not trespass upon 
the rights of others; and 

(3) The Right of Private Property; that is, the right to 
use, enjoy, and dispose of what he has acquired by labor, 
purchase, gift, or inheritance. 



^ 



OLK CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS. 




2. Industrial Rights. — It is the right and duty of each 
person to provide in his own way, providing it is legal 

and honest, for 
himself and 
those depend- 
ent upon him. 
All business 
transactions, 
the search for 
homes, com- 
forts, and 
wealth; agri- 
culture, manu- 
facturing, min- 
ing and com- 
merce; the 
conduct of all 
professions.oc- 
cupations and 
industries; the 
interests of 
farm laborers, 
operatives in 
factf'ries, min- 
ers, clerks, and 

all persons engaged in mental or physical labor are based 

upon industrial rights and duties. 

3. Social Rights. — Each member of society has rights 
as such, and these are called social rights. 1 hey include 
the rights of personal security and protection. They under- 
lie all efforts for the improvement of the social condition of 
the people. Society is interested in better schools, in public 
health, in the reformation of criminals, in good highways 
and streets, in safe buildings, in well-lighted cities and vil- 
lages, in the maintenance of charitable institutions, in the 
establishment of sources of harmless amusement, and in the 
preservation of peace and order. 

4. Right of Eminent Domain. — This right of society, 
existing above the right of any of its members, is called the 
right of eminent domain. By it individual rights must yield 
to the rights of society, of the government, or of a corpora- 
tion. A corporation is an association of individuals author- 
ized by law to do business as a single natural person. Rail- 
way companies, banks, chartered cities and villages, and the 
counties of some states are corporations. 

5. Moral Rights. — Man is a moral being; that is, he is 
conscious if good and evil. Therefore he has moral rights 



HONEST INDLSTRV. 



OUR CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS. 



39 



aod duties. He has rights of conscience, with which it is 
not the province of government to interfere. He naturally 
worships a being superior to himself, and feels the obliga- 
tion to deal justly with his fellowmen. He has a right tc 
do so and say all things which are not unlawful or wrong 
within themselves. It is right to worship when he pleases, 
whom he pleases, and as he pleases. 







"t^^^^^It^^^ 



OUR RIGHTS "CLAR COMFORT.' 



40 



HOW TO BECOME A PUBLIC SPEAKER. 




DANIEL WEBSTER. 
Born in N. H.. 1 7S2. Died 1852. 



How to Become a Public Speaker. 

1. Great Orators. — It must be remembered that great 
orators who have astonished the world with their cutting wit 
and power of words were once obscure, timid and bashful 
boys. It must be remembeied, too, that the most of the 
great orators of the past came from the humble walks of 
life, They were not born in palaces nor inherited wealth 
nor were educated in luxury. They invariably were of 
poor parentage, but self made, and by hard struggle and 
untiring labor they worked their way to the front. 

2. Every Young Man's Duty. — Every young man 
snould be able, with calmness and self-possession, to ej press 
himself in public. This can be done by a little e.xtra prep- 
aration and study. If a mjn hrs anything to say; 



HOW TO BECOME A PUBLIC SPEAKER. 



41 




JOHN C. CALHOUN. 
Born in S. C. 1782; Died, 1852. 

and knows what to say, he may experience some embar- 
rassment in making his first effort, yet he can always say it 
with credit to himself and to his friends. The great trouble 
is ignorance, and people are often called upon to say some- 
thing in public when they have nothing to say. It takes a 
reading and thinking man to speak in public. 

3. How to Prepare for Public Speaking.— In the first 
place get ove^- the idea that you will never be called upon 
to say something in public. Overcome this thought, and it 
is one of the first steps toward oratory. It will, no doubt, 
happen many times in the course of your lifetime that you 
will be called upon to speak in a public gathering, or to 
preside over some public meeting. Study the parliament- 



^ 



HOW TO BECOME A PUBLIC SPEAKER. 




PATRICK HENRY. 
Born 1736, Died 1799. 



ary laws as given in this book, and it will be a great acqui- 
sition. Read the papers, the magazines, and pick out parts 
and portions that impress you and study them so that you 
can remember them. Study the papers as well aS read 
them, and discuss the prominent subjects or topics of the 
day with your friends. It is wonderful what an amount of 
knowledge you can gain by simply improving your spare 
moments. 

4. What Books to Read. — Read books of history, read 
the life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Matthews' "Getting On in 
the World;" Smiles' two bookt on "Duty and Character;" 
Ridpath's History of the United States; Macaulay's His- 
tory of England; Gibbon's "Decline and Fall of Rome," and 
there are various other books that you will find interesting, 
impressive, and highly instructive. Good public speakers 
ought to be extensive readers. 



HOW TO BECOME A PUI'.LIC SPEAKER. 43 

5. Writing. — You should sit down and write an address 
or essay upon some subject of public interest, either polit- 
ical, Social, or otherwise. Afterwriting it study it over care- 
fully and re-write and re-write it several times; after each 
time be sure to study it over carefully and find pans or por- 
tions that can be profitably improved. This address or 
essay is not supposed to be delivered or read, though it is 
a good thing to keep and lay away for future reference. 
After writing a few of these addresses and committingthem 
to memory you will find to your surprise that you can think 
better, speak better and write better. It is a practice that 
excels all other methods of preparation. 

6. Reading and Re-reading. — Next in value to the fre- 
quent use uf the pen is the practiceof carefully reading and 
re-reading the best prose writers and poets, and committing 
their finest passages to memory, so as to be able to repeat 
them at any moment without effort. The advantages of 
this practice are that it not only strengthens the memory, 
but fills and fertilizes the mind with pregnant and suggest- 
ive thoughts, expressed in the happiest language, stores it 
with graceful images, and, above all, forms the ear to the 
rhythm and number of the period which add so much to its 
impressiveness and force. 

7. Melody. — It is the melody of a sentence which, so to 
speak, makes it cut, which gives it speedy entrance into the 
mind, causes it to penetrate deeply, and to exercise a magic 
power over the heart. It is not enough that the speaker's 
utterances impress the mind of the hearer, they should ring 
in his ears; they should appeal to the senses, as well as to 
the feelings, the imagination, and the intellect; then, when 
they seize at once on the whole man, on body, soul, and 
spirit, will they " swell in the heart and kindle in the eyes," 
and constrain him, he knows not why, to believe and to 
obey. 

8. Oratorical Moulds. — Let the student of oratory, 
then, brood over the finest passages of English composi- 
tion, both prose and poetry, in his leisure hours, till his 
mind is surcharged with them; let him read and re-read 
the ever-varied verse of Shakespeare, the majestic and 
pregnant lines of Milton, the harmonious and cadenced 
compositions of Bolingbroke, Gratton, Erskine, Curran, 
and Robert Hall, Let him dwell upon these passages 
and recite them till they almost seem his own, and 
insensibly, without effort, he will "form to theirs the relish 
of his soul," and will find himself adopting their language 
and imitating them instinctively through a natural love for 
the beautiful, and the strong desire which every one feels 



44 PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. 

to reproduce what is pleasing to him. By this process he 
will nave prepared in his mind, so to speak, a variety of 
oratorical moulds, of the most exquisite shape and pattern, 
into which the stream of thought, flowing red-hot and mol- 
ten from a niinii glowing with fire of declamation, will be- 
come fixed, as metal in a foundry takes the form of a noble 
or beautiful statue. 

PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. 

How to Conduct a Public Meeting; How to Organize a 
Debating Society or Other Literary Organizations. 

1. The Ignorance of Parliamentary Laws. — It is sur- 
prising to see how few people understand the simple jirin- 
ciples of parliamentary laws. How often is a person called 
to preside in public meetings or is called up to take the 
chair in a social gathering when he is entirely ignorant of the 
first principles of a presiding officer. He is embarrassed, 
stammers, and his conduct becomes painful to his friends. 
A little study on the part cf the person will sufficiently 
qualify him to carry out the duties of a presiding officer 
with dignity and satisfaction to all. 

2. How to Organize a Public Meeting, Occasional or 
Mass Meeting. — The first thing to be done in a common 
meeting^ is to organize. The time appointed having ar- 
rived, some one calls the meeting to order, and moves that 
A., B. or C. act as chairman of this meeting. If this motion 
fails another is nominated till a chairman is obtained and 
takes the chair. The next business is the election of a sec- 
retary. The chairman calls for nomination, which being 
made and seconded the vote is taken. The secretary being 
elected, no other officers are usually necessary in a meeting 
of this kind. The chairman asks what is the further 
pleasure of the meeting, when some one of those at whose 
instance the meeting has been called rises and states the 
object of the meeting, or better still, introduces a resolution 
previously prepared to express the sense of the meeting on 
the subject which has called them together. 

3. Main Question. — All business should be introduced 
by a motion or resolution. This is called the " Main Ques- 
tion," or " Principal Motion." When a motion of this kind 
is pending,no other principal motion can be introduced. But 
there are certain other motions which would be in order, aiid 
in reference to some of these still other motions would be in 
order, while the main question is still pending. Some of these 
must be seconded, others need not be: some can be amended, 



PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. 



4fi 




Hon. Joseph H. Cb.oate. of N. Y., Chairman of tl-J<9 
State Convention of 1 895. 

others can not; some can be debated, others can not; t9 
some the previous question applies, to others it does not; 
some can be laid on the table, committed, postponed defi- 
nitely or indefinitely, others can not; some can be reconsid- 
ered, others can not; some require a two-thirds vote, others 
are decided by simply a majority. 

4. A Meeting of Delegates. — When the members of an 
assembly have already been appointed, the first business 
after a temporary organization, effected as above, is to 
appoint a committee on credentials to ascertain who are 
properly members of the meeting. Then proceed to a 
permanent organization, and the business of the meeting.^ 

5. Privileged Motions. — So called because on account 
of their importance, they take precedence of aU other 
• Miestions. 



40 PARLIAMENTARY LAWS. 

6. Incidental Motions.— Incidental motions such as are 
incident to, or grow out of other questions, and must there- 
fore be decided before the questions which give rise t« 
tbem. 

7. Subsidiary Motions.— Subsidiary motions, or such as 
Are applied to other motions for the sake of disposing of 
them in some otlier way than bv direct adoption or rejection. 

8. The Main Question.— Tlie main question which has 
already been spoken of. 

9. 'Miscellaneous Motions.— Miscellaneous motions, 
under which head come the motions, "To Reconsider," "T« 
Fill Blanks," and "To Renew a Motion." ^^ „ , ... 

By this is meant that any motion in the 2d, od, and 4tb 
classes yield to any motion in the 1st class; the 3d and 4th 
yield to the 1st and 2d; and the 4th to the 1st. 2d and 3d. 
TTiis is the general rule; but it is subject to some modifica- 
tions, as will hereafter appear. 

10. The Privileged Motions.— The privileged motions 
in the order of their precedence are: . 

1. To fix the time to adjourn. 3. Questions of privilege. 

2. To adjourn '"4. Orders of the day. 

11. The Motion to Fix the Time to Which to Ad- 
journ. — The motion to fix tlie time to which to adji'urn is 
HOt a motion to adjourn, but, as its name signifies, is simply 
a motion to fix the time to which the adjournment will 
stand, when the motion to adjourn is carried. Its form is 
"I move that when we adjourn we adjourn to" such a date 
or "to meet again at" such a date, naming the date. It 
takes precedence of all other motions, and is in order even 
after the vote to adjourn is taken, if the result has not been 
stated by the chair. 

12. The Motion to Adjourn. — The motion to adjourn 
takes precedence of all motions except the foregoing, to 
which It yields; tliatisto say, it may be made when .nny other 
motionispendingexcepttbemotiontofixthetiineof adjourn- 
ment, but cannot be made when this latter motion is pending. 

13. Questions of Privilege. — These must not be con- 
founded with "Privileged Questions." The latter embrace 
the whole list of motions in this class; the former is 
only one species in the class. As examples of questions 
of privilege the following may be mentioned: Whether 
disorder shall be restrained; whether an open window en- 
dangering the health of any one may i:ot be closed; whether 
charges against the official character of any member shall 
be allowed, etc., etc. The form of raising this cjucstion is 
(addressing the chair and obtaining the floor), '• 1 rise to a 
question ot privilege." 1 he chair requests the member to 
state his question; then he decides whether it is a question 
of privilege or not. 




THOMAS BRACKETT REED, of Maine, 

Speaker of House of Representatives 54th Congress, 
and Republican Orator. 



14. Orders of the Day. — This expression is used to 
designate those subjects the consideration of which has 
been assigned to a particular time. When it is desirable to 
consider a subject at some future time the motion is made 
that such a subject be made "the order of the day" for such 
a time, fixing the precise time; or, if a regular business has 
been made the general order for such time, that the subject 
be made the "special order." It requires a two-thirds vote 
to make a subject a special order; but when so made k 
takes precedence of the general order. 

15. Incidental Motions. — The incidental motioos ia lk<d 
order of precedence are as follows: 

1. Appeal (Questions of order). 

2. Objections to considering a question. 

3. Reading of papers. 

4. Withdrawing a motion. 

5. Suspension of the rules. 

47 



^ i-arliamentary laws. 

16. Appeal (Questions of Order). — A member detecting 
any disorder in the proceedings of the assembly, or the 
deportment or decorum of members which he wishes to 
correct, he obtains the floor and says, "I rise to a point of 
order." The chairman responds, "Please state your point 
of order." After it is stated, the chairman decides whether 
the point is well taken or not. From this decision any 
member may appeal by saying, "I appeal from the decision 
of the chair." If any one seconds this appeal, the chairman 
at once states the question "Shall the decision of the chair 
be sustained," and immediately puts it to vote. It cannot 
be debated when it relates simply to decorum, transgression 
of rules, priority of business, or while a previous question is 
pending. 

17. Objections to Considering a Question,— When a 
member announces that he objects to the consideration of 
any question, the chairman immediately puts to vote the 
propositions, "Shall the question be discussed?" If decided 
m the affirmative, the decision goes on; but if decided in the 
negative, the whole matter is dismissed for that session. 

18. Reading of Papers.— Every member has the right 
to have a paper read before voting upon it. When any one 
calls for the reading of a paper, the chairman immediately 
orders it read if no one objects. If objection is made, the 
question whether it shall be read or not must be put to vote 
without debate or amendment. 

19. Withdrawal of a Motion.— The person who makes 
a motion can withdraw it if no objection is made. If objec- 
tion is made to the withdrawal of a motion, the question 
whether it shall be withdrawn or not must be decided by 
vote. It cannot be debated or amended. 

20. Suspension of the Rules.— When it is desired for 
any purpose to suspend the rules, the form of the motion is, 
"to suspend the rules which interfere with," etc., specify- 
ing the object of the suspension. It cannot be debated, 
cannot be reconsidered, nor have any subsidiary motion 
applied to it; and it requires a two-thirds vote. A motion 
to suspend for the same purpose cannot be regarded. 

21. Subsidiary Motion.— This is as important a class 
of motions as any in the whole list, and a class more fre- 
quently used than any others. The subsidiary motions 
are the following: 

1. To lay on the table. 4. To commit. 

2. The previous question. 5. To amend. 

3. To postpone to a certain day.6. To postpone indetinitely. 

These motions stand, with respect to each other, in the 
erder of precedence here given. 



CHAPTER II. 



Our Country and Its People— Origin 
and Development. 




Independence Hall, Philadelphia, the Place where 
the American Republic was Born, July 4, 1 77Q, 



The Story of American Independence 

and the Origin of the First 

Congress. 

1, Continental Congress. — This was on the 10th of 
May, 1775, with Lexington a few weeks earher. Bunker 
Hill a few weeks later, and the "Declaration of Independ- 
ence" fourteen months in the future. But there was a "Con- 
tinental Congress." It had existed since the 5th of Septem- 
ber, 1774. 

2. Independence.— How came Congress to assemble on 
that 5th day of September, 1774? Independence was not 
thought of by the people. The idea would have been pain- 
ful if entertained. Or if entertained, it would have been rc- 

49 



50 5TORY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 

jected as undesirable. To be sure, the struggle was already 
a fierce one, but it was for the rights of the people as Eng- 
lish subjects. Why did a Congress assemble? 

3. The Declaration of Independence. — Results appear 
with suddenness. We must look far back for the prepara- 
tives which slowly, tediously evolve and mature them. 
The Declaration or Independence burst on the world per- 
fected, like Minerva from the brain of Jupiter, but it took a 
century and a half of pregnant events to bring this about. 
The general reader — indeed, often the interested student — 
is apt to commence the investigation of the occurrences 
which precipitated the great war for liberty, if not with the 
event of July 4, 1776, certainly no farther back than the 
passage of the Stamp Act, or of its repeal, or the story of 
the "tea party" in Boston fiarbor. Yet, if any part of our 
history is to be omitted or lightly passed over by young or 
old in comparison, one portion with the other, let every soul 
in this country in preference master the account in all its 
details of the colonizing of the thirteen original states, and 
understand what the people had to contend with in a 
hundred different shapes, and how famine, pestilence, con- 
tests with Indians, dreadful as they were, came to be less 
feared, because of less importance, than the attempts of the 
rulers of the land from whence they came to subject them 
to the tryanny of arbitrary power. 

4. The Thirteen Original States. — The thirteen origi- 
nal states were colonized by people of various origin, of 
every form of religious faith and belief, and of different 
nationalities. There were Swedes in Delaware, there were 
Germans in Pennsylvania, the Dutch were in New York. 
There were the Catholics in Maryland and Delaware, the 
Quakers in Pennsylvania, the Church of England men in 
Virginia and the South, the Huguenots in New York, the 
Pilgrims in Massachusetts, the Liberals in Rhode Island, 
the Non-conformists everywhere. You can hardly imagine 
a greater mixture of origin, habits, caste, religious belief, 
and religious dissent than was to be found among the first 
settlers of the United States. Yet it turned out that some 
marvelous power of cohesion, when the hour of trouble 
came to one extremity of the land, bound all together in ties 
so strong that they could not even be tlisturbed by the 
ordinary differences and discussions which separate and 
keep apart communities of different customs and associa- 
tions. 

5. Came Not For Gold. — The colonies did not come 
to these shores in search for mines of gold and silver, nor 
to fish, nor to proselyte the Indians. They came mainly 



STORY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 



51 



for a home. This applies equally to the cavaliers in 
Virginia and the hardy pioneers at Plymouth. They all 
loved the land they left behind them. It was the home of 
their fathers, and had been their home until they quitted it. 
Besides, their friends and their kindred were still there. 
But when they embarked they took with them no crown 
with which to establish and perpetuate a divine right. 
Obligation to the King was acknowledged cheerfully, 
especially where the territory was taken under a loyal grant; 
6ut the colonists did not occupy themselves with any rights 
jif kings. One and all claimed political freedom of origi- 
nal organization. 




^i^iiiiiiiiB 



The Desk on v^hich Jefferson Wrote the Declara- 
tion of Independence. 



6. The First Bond.— Here was the first bond of union. 
Each colony was established under circumstances essen- 
tially differing the one from the other. But in every one, 
sooner or later, difficulties arose touching the royal authority 
over them. In many, especially New England, the colonies 
were left to themselves to frame their own government, 
which for many years was that of the people assembled in 
town meeting, till the population became too large, and 
then representatives were chosen. In fact, civil govern- 
ment was established bv common consent on shipboard by 



52 



STORY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 



the Pilgrims and a governor chosen. It was not till the 
success of the colonies attracted the cupidity of the rulers 
at home that charters were created, many liberal in their 
cerms, and governors appointed. 

7. First Encroachments. — At the very first certain 
resolutions were adopted which controlled every one of the 
colonies. First was that of representation and trial by jury; 
second, that which provided that no taxes or impositions 



, . .4. 



■%"^'- 




Patrick Henry Addressing the Continental 
Congress in I 774-. 



should be levied upon the colonists, their land or commodi- 
ties, without the consent of the people through the action of 
the General Assembly, the taxes to be levied and employed 
as the assembly should appoint. The form of these resolu- 
tions varied in the different colonies, but in all the sub- 
stance was identical. The reader will at once perceive that 
when Parliament undertook as against any one colony to 




53 



54 STORV OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 

trench upon these essential rights — rights which the people 
insisted on as English subjects under the English Constitu- 
tion — all the colonies naturally took the alarm, sympathiz- 
ing practically with the aggrieved member. At first and for 
many years the encroachments were moderated. They were 
resisted vigorously from the start, and generally with suc- 
cess. From north to south, meanwhile, the people were from 
time to time harassed by inroads of hostile Indians, so that 
every community on these occasions became an armed 
camp, and the men, warriors. Their dreadful perils from a 
common enemy formed another bond of fraternal sympathy 
between the different sections. During the hundred years 
succeeding the year 1664 (when the whole territory forming 
the original United States came under the control of Eng- 
land) Great Britain was engaged in wars with different con- 
tinental nations a large proportion of the time, and when 
not so engaged the condition was that of suppressed war, 
often worse than war itself. 

8. Increasing Prosperity. — The American colonies had 
increased in population; they were already very consider- 
ably engaged in trade and commerce. The tobacco of \'ir- 
ginia, the cotton and rice of the South, were sources of 
increasing prosperity. Then began to be agitated the ques- 
tion of taxation, of restriction on the commerce of the colo- 
nies, of duties to be levied on imports. The story is 
familiar to us. The passage of the infamous Stamp Act, 
opposed by the best and noblest of the British Parliament, 
aroused the intense indignation of the colonies through their 
entire extent. 

9. The Stamp Act. — The passage of the Stamp Act 
stirred the people as they had never been stirred before. It 
was on the memorable b^th of March, 1765, that the act was 
passed, and it was to take effect on the 1st day of Novem- 
ber following. By the terms of this act no legal instrument 
in writing of any sort, no matter how insignificant, should 
be valid without a government stamp, and an elaborate scale 
of prices for the different stamps was given in detail. The 
first of November (when the Stamp Act was to go into oper- 
ation as a law) was ushered in at Boston by the tolling of 
bells and other mournful tokens. Similar demonstrations 
took place in New York and Philadelphia, and in other 
towns. 

10. A Large Funeral Procession. — The town of Ports- 
mouth, in New Hampshire, has unquestioned precedence in 
these exhibitions, both by the originality of their conception 
and by the genuine earnestness with which the proceedings 
were conducted. A large funeral procession i^sembled. as 



STORY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 



55 



if to follow a dear departed friend to the grave. A coffin 
handsomely constructed, inscribed with the word Liberty, 
was carried to the spot. Minute guns were fired. An ora- 
tion, eulogistic of the virtues of the deceased, was pro- 
nounced. Here we must record a marvelous event. The 
oration was scarcely ended and just as the coffin was about 
to be lifted some tokens of life were perceived. Instantly 
the entire scene was transformed; hearty congratulations 
were exchanged, then the bells pealed forth a joyful sound, 
and demonstrations of satisfaction were everywhere exhib- 
ited. It is stated by an old historian that decorum and reg- 
ularity marked all these proceedings. 







The Old Chair Used by the First Congress, 



II. The Provisions of the Stamp Act. —The provisions 
of the Stamp Act were evaded throughout the entire land by 
common consent. Documents and agreements passed be- 



56 STORY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 

tween the people without the stamp. In fact, it would hav« 
deserved opprobrium to have used one, and on the 18th of 
March, 1766, the act was repealed. It was not repealed in 
acknowledgment of the American principle, but rather as a 
measure which proved absolutely impracticable. 

12. Act to Levy a Tax.^The triumph of the colo- 
nies was short-lived. In 1787 the British Parliament passed 
an act to levy a tax or duty on glass, tea, paper, painters' 
colors, etc., besides an oppressive revenue law touching 
importations. This revived the agitation with a tenfold 
vehemence. Committees of correspondence again set to 
work. Non-importation and non-consumption societies were 
formed. In short, every method was set on foot to resist 
the operation of the act except that of open rebellion to it. 

13. Anti-Tea-Drinking. — The colonies would not ac- 
cept the situation. Anti-tea-drinking societies were formed. 
The great East India Company took part in the contest, 
and petitioned the King for a repeal of the tax. The petition 
was unheeded. On the contrary, the King declared "there 
should always be one tax to keep up the right of taxing." 
The rest of the story is well known. Ships loaded with teas 
were sent to Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Charles* 
ton. In New York and Philadelphia the ships were not per- 
mitted to enter their cargoes, but were compelled to return 
with them to England. In Charleston the tea was landed 
and stored on an assurance that it would not be offered for 
sale, and the agreement was kept. In Boston there was a 
military force strong enough to compel compliance with the 
law. This led to the destruction of the cargoes of both ves- 
sels by citizens disguised as Indians. 

14. King and Parliament.— King and Parliament re- 
ceived tidings of the event with amazement. Such auda- 
cious acts merited swift and ample punishment. The 
inhabitants of Boston must be taught by the severest meth» 
ods not to set the law at defiance. The measure adopted 
by Parliament was indeed a cruel and complete one. On 
the 7th of March, 1774, the "Boston Port Bill" was passed, 
which closed the town as a port of entry, and transferred all 
the maritime ])usiness to Salem. 

15. Financial Ruin.— It is difficult to figure the financial 
ruin which the act brought upon the business men, and the 
want and distress which it entailed on the inhabitants. It 
is still more difficult to figure the tlame which was kindled 
in the breast of every person throughout the widely ex- 
tended provinces. It is not difficult to record and transmit 
the events which took place, but the agitation of the pablic 
mind can never be adequately described, or. in fact, com 



DKCLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 5T 

Erehended. All the inhabitants of the land^ from New 
[ampshire to Georgia, were carried away in this tremen- 
dous upheaving; not the young and impetuous only — in fact, 
not the fiery and impetuous so much as the aged and 
temperate were aroused by this revengeful and merciless 
blow inflicted on the town of Boston. This answers our 
question, "How came a Congress to assemble on the 5th of 
September, 1774?" 



The Story of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. 

The first suggestion of American independence was made 
in England. In the London Chronicle, October 25, 1774, an 
elaborate article appeared entitled "American Independ- 
ence the Interest and Glory of Great Britain." It was 
reprinted \x\.\h& Petinsylvattia Journal, hxaX. there was no 
response. Attachment to the mother country survived the 
tea riots of that year, and in March, 1775, Franklin informed 
Lord Chatham that he had never heard an opinion looking 
toward independence from any American, " drunk or sober. ' 
But the " massacre at Lexington," as the first collision (April 
19, 1775) was called, moved the country to indignation. It 
was an illustration of how great a matter a little fire kin- 
dleth. A few villagers under Captain Parker (grandfather 
of Theodore Parker, who kept the captain's musket on his 
wall) met the English troops. Parker had warned them not 
to fire unless fired on, but one could not restrain himself; 
his gun missed fire but the flash brought a volley from the 
Englishmen, and independence was potentially written in 
the blood of the seven men who were left dead in Lexing- 
ton. A few days after the tidings reached Philadelphia 
appeared the April number of the Pemisylvania Magazine, 
edited by Thomas Paine. It contained a summary of Chat- 
ham's speech, in which he said the Crown would lose its 
luster if "robbed of so principal a jewel as America." 
Paine adds this footnote: " The principal jewel of the Crown 
actually dropped out at the coronation." This little foot- 
note was probably the nearest approach to a suggestion of 
independence made by any American even then. And 
among all the fiery meetings held throughout the colonies 
only one ventured to utter the word independence. From 
the county of Mecklenburg, North Carolina, came resols* 
tionE passed May 31 and June 10, 1775, demanding thr- 



58 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

organization of an independent government Congress 
would not allow such treasonable resolutions to be read 
before it, and the written records were lost. Jefferson pro- 
nouncecl the Mecklenburg resolutions mythical. But lately 
a copy of the South Carolina Gazette of June 13, 1776, has 
been discovered containing the resolutions; it is in Charles- 
ton and I have seen a photographed copy. 

The first argument for independence, from the American 
point of view, was from the pen of Thomas Paine. It was 
printed in the Pennsylvania Journal, October 18, 1775, under 
the title, "A Serious Thought," and over the signature, 
" Humanus." It presents a series of charges against Great 
Britain, somewhat resembling those of the " Declaration," 
and concludes: "When I reflect on these, I hesitate not for 
a moment to believe that the Almighty will finally separate 
America from Britain — call it Independency or what you 
will — if it is the cause of God and humanity it will go 
on." The king is especially arraigned for establishing 
African slavery in America, which independence will abolish, 
Paine's phraseology leaves little doubt that he wrote the anti- 
slavery passage in the Declaration which was struck out. 
While writing "Common Sense," which really determined the 
matter, Paiiie was suspected of being a British spy. Nor 
was it so absurd, for up to the " massacre of Lexington " he 
had been active in conciliation. He was discussed at the 
prospective outbreak, and wrote to Franklin: " I thought it 
very hard to have the country set on fire about my ears 
almost the moment I got into it." "Common Sense" ap- 
peared January 10, 1776. Washington pronounced it "un- 
answerable" (to Joseph Reed, January 31), and indeed there 
was not a leading patriot in the country who did not applaud. 
New York had instructed its congressmen not to vote for 
independence; but one of its delegates, Henry Wisner, sent 
its leading assemblymen this pamphlet, asking their answer. 
As they could not give any, Wisner disregarded their instruc- 
tions, and the state had to come round to him. At that time 
many ascribed the pamphlet to Franklin, who was one day 
reproached by a lady for the expression, " Royal brute of 
Great Britain." Franklin assured her that he was not the 
author, and would never have so dishonored the brute 
creation. ^^ 

".'\ little thing sometimes produces a great effect, wrote 
Cobbctt from America to Lord Grenville. " It appears to 
me very clear that some beastly insults offered to Mr. Paine 
while he was in the excise in England was the real cause of 
the revolution in America." This i? more epigrammatic than 
exact. Paine was turned out of the excise for absenting 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. o^ 

himself trom his post (Lewes) without leave. It was not fair, 
for he had been engaged by the excisemen of England to try 
and get a bill through Parliament raising their salaries, and 
had to be much in London; and no other fault was charged. 
There were no insults, but he was left penniless, and 
Franklin advised his coming to America. Here he at once 
secured a good position, and was editing the only important 
magazine of the country, without any animosity to England. 
However, Cobbett is right when he further says that whoever 
may have written the "Declaration" Paine was its author. 
At that time Philadelphia was full of so called "tories." 
Their chief nest was the university, presided over by Rev. 
William Smith, D. D., who, as "Cato," attacked "Common 
Sense." Paine replied under the name "Forrester," and 
President Smith was so worsted that he lost his position, 
and left Philadelphia for a small curacy in Maryland. 
Paine resided in a room opposite the chief meeting-house 
of the Quakers, who, under pretext of peace-principles, 
aided the enemy. "Common Sense" insisted that they should 
address their testimony against war to the invaders equally 
with the invaded, and as they were not ready to do this 
their influence was destroyed. The danger to independence 
now lay in the approach of peace commissioners from Eng- 
land. Paine issued a little pamphlet entitled " Dialogue 
Between the Ghost of General Montgomery, Just Arrived 
from the Elysian Fields, and an American Delegate." The 
gallant ghost warns the delegate that union with England is 
impossible, and, were it oth '-v/ise, would be a wrong to the 
English as well as the American people. This pamphlet was 
effective in strengthening wave-ers 

On June?, 1775, Hon. Richard Henry Lee submitted to 
Congress a resolution that the colonies are and ought to be 
independent. A committee was appointed to propose 
appropriate action and reported June 28 through P'^nja- 
min Harrison, great-grandfather of the late President. 
It was found that six states hesitated — New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and South Caro- 
lina. Congress postponed the matter until July 1, meantime 
appointing a committee to draft a Declaration, another to 
organize a Confederation and a third to obtain foreign aid. 
The committee on a Declaration (Jefferson, John Adams, 
Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert R. Livingston), re- 
ported on July 2. A bare majority in Congress passed the 
Declaration on July 4. Congress then adjourned to 
July 15, in order that efforts might be made to induce 
New York and Maryland to withdraw their restrictions on 
Iheir delegates, who were personally favorable to independ- 



80 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

ence. On July 15 all were free and unanimous. On the 
19th Congress ordered the Declaration to be engrossed and 
signed by every member. The paper had been signed on 
July 4 only by John Hancock, president of Congress, and 
the secretary, Charles Thompson. The engrossed copy 
was produced August 2 and signed by the members, some 
signatures being added later. The first to sign was Josiah 
Bartlett, of New Hampshire, and the last Matthew Thorn- 
ton, of the same colony, when he took his seat November 4. 
In Trumbull's picture of the "signing," in the capital, more 
pomp is given to the affair than accompanied it. The sec- 
retary was so little impressed that h'S entry that the mem- 
bers signed is written on the margin of the journal of 
Congress. Thomas Stone, of Maryland, who signed, is not 
in Trumbull's picture, and Robert Livingston, who did not 
sign, being absent, is put in. 

The earliest draft of the Declaration, before the anti- 
slavery paragraphs were stricken out, is in the library of 
the state department; the draft agreed to by the committee 
and passed by Congress is lost; the engrossed Declaration 
is in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. 

A complete collection of autographs of the "signers " is 
a fortune. There are only three in existence. One of these 
belongs to Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of New York. The 
costliness of the autographs is in the ratio of the obscurity 
of the signers. One of the least distinguished signers was 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., of South Carolina. Only three examples 
of his writing are known, uninteresting business notes, and 
for one of them Dr. Emmet paid over $6,000. 

The signers of the Declaration were rich men, and all of 
the "gentry." The British government were probably de- 
ceived by their adopting as their spokesman, and making 
secretary of foreign affairs, the humble exciseman Paine. 
The first president of Congress, Peyton Randolph, and 
George Washington, would pretty certainly have been 
knighted but for the Revolution. The espousal of American 
independence by such men, and by the Adams family, the 
Livingstons, the Stones of Maryland, meant that the most 
loyal and conservative class had gone against the king, and 
that America was irrecoverably lost to him. A well-in- 
formed English ministry would have spared themselves 
and us the seven years' war. 

Paine did not use only his pen in the Revolution. When 
the cause had been consecrated to independence be shoul- 
dered his musket, marched to the front, did such service (at 
Fort Lee) that Gen. Greene took him on his staff, shared the 
hardships of Washington's retreat to the Delaware, and 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



61 



wrote by campfires his " Crisis," which Washington ordered 
to be read to bis depressed soldiers. The first sentence of 
that " Crisis," " These are the times that try men's souls," 
was the watchword at Trenton, where Paine helped to cap- 
ture the Hessians. He afterward went in an open boat, 
under fire of the English ships, to convey an order to those 
besieged in Fort Mifflin, and on other occasions proved his 
courage. He visited France, and brought back six millioa 
livres. 

Thus through extreme hardships and great dangers did 
our forefathers declare their independence. The youth of 
to-day, surrounded by the countless blessings, resulting 
from the self-denial and bravery of the early settlers, can 
have but a faint conception of the cost of our liberties. 




VALLEY FORGE, 

Where the American army of four thousand men were un- 
able to move out of their huts for want of clothing, 
during the winter of 1777-78. 



AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Ai^^ 




Gen. Washington's Official Carriage. 

Corner Stones of American Historv. 

1. Rights of Man. — No part of cur history is more 
necessary to he understood than these first official steps 
taken to form a nation out of the material at hand in the 
New World, for by these the foundation of our government 
was laid on tliose principles which grew into being through 
a just view of tlie rights of man. 

2. The First Continental Congress. — The First Conti- 
nental Congress met at Philadelphia, September 5, 1774. 
Though composed of representatives of each colony, its dele- 
gates were not elected by the people, but were sent there by 
the advice and counsel of the ablest men in each colony. 

3. The Second Continental Congress. — The next year 
(1775) the Second Continental Congress met in Philadelphia, 
iVlay 10. Under its authority the war began with the battles 
of Lexington and l^unker Hill, and the invasion of Canada; 
not for the avowed purpose of independence, but for the 
redress of grievances. 

4. The Declaration of Independence. — The next vear, 
July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independence waspul lished 
to the world. It was the result of deliberate counsels, and 
fully expressed- the demands of the colonists. 



AMERICAN HISTORY 



63 




Franklin pleading the cause of America before the 
French Court. 

5. Articles of Confederation. — Even at this time the 
resolution or conviction that all the thirteen colonies were 
to unite under one government was not universal; and it 
was not until July 9, 1778, that the delegates to Congress 
from each colony under instructions from their constituents, 
signed articles of confederation and perpetual union. This 
was another important step in the great chain of events 
which made the American Nation. 

6. What the Continental Congress Did. — Under the 
direction of this old Continental Congress, the first ma- 
chinery of our government was set in motion. Armies 
were raised, taxes levied, debts contracted and money 
issued; and by its authority, after victory had crowned its 
armies in the field, and the respect of European nations 
had been won by the wisdom of its acts, peace was made 
with England at Paris, September 3, 1783. 

7. American Commissioners, — Benjamin Franklin.John 
Adams and John Jay were the American Commissioners 
who signed the definite treaty. 

8. General Washington Resigned His Commissions 
to Congress.— On the 23d of December, 1783, Geu. 



AMERICAN HISTORY. 




FANEUIL HALL, BOSTON. 

••The Cradle of American Liberty," 

Washington resigned his commission to Congress and re- 
tired to private life at Mount \'ernon But the labors of 
the Continental Congress were not yet completed. It had 
become evident that the loose confederacy, at whose head 
it stood, had served its purpose, and must soon f;iU to pieces. 

9. The New Constitution Formed.— On February 21, 
1787, a resolution was moved and carried in Congress 
recommending a convention to meet in Philadelphia, to 
revise the articles of confederation. 

The convention met in Philadelphia, and on May 25, 1787 
unanimously elected George Washington its President. 

The convention sat with closed doors, and remained in 
session till the 17th of September following, when they 
reported the draft of the present Constitution. 

After very lull and excited discussion, the Constitution 
was adopted, and on the 90th of April, 1789, was put into 
complete operation by the inauguration, at New York, ol 
George Washington, as the first President under it. 



ORIGIN OF OUR NATIONAL FLAG- 



K 










^i» 



The House in Philadelphia where the first 
"Stars and Stripes" was made. 

Origin of Our National Flag. 

Up to June of 1777 the troops of the various American 
colonies which had declared their independence of the 
mother country had fought under any ensign which chanced 
to please their fancy. Most of the New York forces had 
fought under a flag in which the stripes and the orange* 



66 



ORIGIN OF OUR NATIONAL FLAG. 



white and red ot the old Dutch republic were promiiv at; 
the Connecticut soldiers had displayed a red flag with the 
inscription, "An Appeal to Heaven," on one side, and the 
Latin motto of the colony, " Qui transulit sustinet,"* on the 




The Firet South Carolina Flatr. (blue with whita 
crescent, 1 775). 




The Gadsden Flag. 1776. 

cher; the South Carolina men at one period used a pal- 
metto banner, and other colonial forces had flowa lla^J» 
which had special and local significance. 

• "Ho who Las traiijuplaiited as will eastain ua." 




XS'fff^^ 



6B 



ORIOIN OF OUR NATIONAL FLAG. 



Commodore Hopkins had put to sea in Febniary, ITTfl^ 
with the first revolutionary fleet, displaying a flag of tnirteea 
alternate red and white stripes, with the red and white 
crosses of St, George and Sl Andrew charged on a blue 
"canton" or square in the upper corner. This flag was 
used more than any other one at the time, June, 1777, when 
the Continental Congress, in session at Philadelphia, ap- 
pointed a committee to construct a common flag for the 
colonies. 




A Liberty Flag. 



On June 14 this committee made its report. It advised 
that " the flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen 
stripes, alternate red and white ; that the Union be thirteen 
stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constella- 
tion." The report was thereupon put into the form of 
a resolutit)n, and the resolution was unanimously adopted 
without discussion. 

The Colors.— Red, white and blue are a modification of 
ornnge. white and blue, the colors of the Dutch republic, and 
the ones used by Xew York's forces. They were chosen by 
the (lag cummiliee for the same reason that stripes were de- 
cidctl u{x>ii. Reel was later explained to be typical of the 
Mood patriots were ready to shed; white, of the purity oi 
tkeir cause, and blue of the favor of Heaven. 



ORIGIN OF OUR NATIONAL FLAG. 



69 



Contrasting colors, white and either blue or red, were 
necessary to be utilized for the color of the stripes. Red 
was preferred to blue, because it was more distinct at a dis- 




Flag of the Royal Savage. 1 776. 

tance. For this same reason, red, instead of white, was 
chosen as the color of the topmost stripe, and consequently 
of the lowermost, also. Red and white having thus been 
already used, the color assigned the Union was necessarily 
blue, and the stars in the Union were appropriately made 
white. The Union was made square and was brought down 
to the eighth stripe, that its blue might be showed against 
white (a contrasting color), the color of that stripe. 




Nailing the Colors to the Mast Head. 
The "Stars and Stripes." 



TO ORIGIN OF THANKSGIVING DAY. 

Origin of Thanksgiving Day. 

1. Hebrew Feast of Harvest. — The Thanksgiving day 
of the Hebrews was called " Ihe Feast of Harvest," and 
was a grand annual festival. Probably the world has never 
witnessed the parallel of Heb'-ew anniversaries. A day of 
thanksgiving was occasionally observed by the Dutch and 
other Kuropean nations. 

2. New England's Day.— The origin of this annual 
thanksgiving festival on the American continent is credited 
to the New England colonies. The early settlers endured 
many privations and difficulties, and had frequent days of 
fisting and prayer. An old colonist once suggested that 
they had brooded long enough over their misfortunes, and 
tnat the next be made a day of thanksgivings. It was done 
.^nd the custom was continued from year to year, but was 
confined to New England for many years. Different days 
were appointed by different governors. 

3. National Day. — The first governmental recommenda- 
tion made by Congress was July 2l», 1775, and was continued 
annually until the close of the war in 1783. Then there was 
no observance of a national day until the adoption of the 
Constitution. In 1789 Congress appointed a committee to 
wait on the President and request that he would recommend 
to the people a day of public thanksgiving. Washington, 
in accordance therewith, named November 26. This was the 
first under the Constitution and the last Thanksgiving proc- 
lamation emanating from Congress. The next nationa' 
Thanksgiving was observed February 19, 1705. After that 
there was none observed until after the close of the war of 
1812 ; Madison, in a proclamation, recommended the second 
Thursday of April, 1814. Then there was no national day ob- 
served uiitil .•\pril lU. 1862. which Lincoln recommended as 
a day of thank gi vi' gs for " signal victories to the land and 
naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal rebellion." 

4. Last Thursday of November.— This was the begin- 
ning of the annual custom, and in 1864 the proclamation 
recommended llie last Thursday of November. 

5. At Home. - Thanksgiving Day is the great "at home" 
day of the .American people. It is the day of returns to the 
"old place," the dav of dinners and reunions. "Com^ 
home, children, on Thanksgiving Day," slowly writes ths 
trumbling Hn^'ir of a venerable sire. The palsy and rheu- 
matism have not vet touched hi< hearty as one see? when, 
with glistening eyas, be reads the prompt answ.-r. 'We 
are ail coming " 



H 
X 
> 

Pi 
o 



o 

Ui 

r 
m 

o 
a 

70 

o 




71 




DECORATING THE GRAVES OF THE I'ALLEN 
HEROES WITH FLOWERS. 



WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 78 

Origin of Decoration Day. 

On the 80th of May, thirty-three years ago, four women 
bearing flowers entered Arlington cemetery and decorated 
the graves of the dead soldiers. To-day countless thousand* 
actuated by the same loving spirit will lay a nation's tribute 
at the feet of the nation's martyred sons. 

Among all America's treasured anniversaries there is no 
other which holds the gentleness and sweetness of Decora- 
tion Day. One year after the fall of Fort Sumter, the day 
had its origin. May 30. 1862, Mrs. Sarah Nichols, of 
Dubuque, la., accompanied by the wife and two daughters 
of Chaplain May, of the 2d Michigan volunteers, laid flow- 
ers on the graves of dead soldiers m the national cemetery 
at Arlington. On the same day of the following year the 
same women observed the same beautiful service. The 
women of Fredericksburg took up the mission in 1863, and 
until the year 1874 May 30 was continuously observed in 
this manner, the custom in the meantime spreading. In 
1874 Congress took cognizance of the day and set it apart 
as a national holiday. 

The beautiful and impressive flower service to-day will 
perfume the atmosphere of every cemetery which holds the 
country's dead heroes in commemoration of one of the 
greatest struggles in the history of nations. But after more 
than a quarter of a century there is no bitterness in the ob- 
servance. Even grief has become softened in the lapse of 

years. 

Humanitv's best sentiments become active on such an 
occasion as this, and the nation is the better for its influence. 

What the Americans Have Done. 

I. A Hundred Years Ago.— A hundred years ago the 
agricultural interests of our country were mostly in the 
hands of uneducated men. Science was not applied to 
husbandry. A spirit of improvement was scarcely known. 
Tne son copied the ways of his lather. He worked with no 
other implements and pursued no other methods of culti- 
vation ; and he who attempted a change was regarded as a 
visionary or an innovator. Very little associated effort for 
improvement in the business of farming was then seen. 
The first as>;ociation for such a purpose was formed in the 
south, and was known as the "South Carolina Agricultural 
Society," organized in 1784 A similar society was formed 
in Pennsylvania the following year. Now there are state, 
county, and even town agricultural societies in almost every 
part of the Union. 



74 



WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 



















Clearing the First Farm in New England. 
2. Agricultural Implements. — Agricultural implements 
were rude and simple. They consisted chiefly of the plow, 
harrow, spade, hoe, hand-rake, scythe, sickle, and wooden 
fork. The plow had a clumsy, wrought-iron share with 
wooden mould-board, which was sometimes plated with tin 
or sheet-iron. The rest of the structure was equally clumsy; 
and the implement recjuired in its use, twice the amount of 
strength of man a'^'^ beast that the present plow does. Im- 
provements in the construction of^ plows during the past 
fifty yearssaveto the country annually, in work and teams, at 
least $12,000,000. The first'patent for a cast-iron plow was 
issued in 1797. To the beginning of 1875, about four hun- 
dred patents have been granted. 



:*r>r'< 



H 

X 
tn 

X 
o 

tn 

o 

ij 

o 

c 

o 

JO 

> 
o 
o 

H 

PI 







-"*:•> 



'/ri. 



W 






■•I 



^Ml) 



JC«^| 



-r"=#^S^ 



?J^^v; 









,?-'« 



m 



^ 



■<A 






•pf 






^^; 






A< 



W 






76 



WHAT AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 



J*- .•• 



r^ 



m: 



f^ 









WATCH WORKS AT WALTHAM, MASS. 

3. Seed was Sown by Hand. — A hundred years ago 
the seed was sown by hand, and the entire crop was har- 
vested by hard, manual labor. The grass was cut with a 
scythe, and "cured," and gathered with a fork and handrake. 
The grain was cut with a sickle, threshed with a flail or the 
treading of horses, and was cleared of the chaff by a large 
clamshell shaped fan of wickerwork, used in a gentle breeze. 
The drills, seedsowers, cultivators, mowers, reapers, thresh- 
ing machines, and fanning mills of our days were all un- 
known. 

4. Iroa Manufacture.— Now iron is manufactured in our 
country >n every form from a nail to a locomotive. A vast 
number of machines have been invented for carr>'ing on 
these manufactures; and the products in cutlery, firearms, 
railway materials, and machinery of every kind, employ 
vast numbers of men and a great amount of capital. Our 
locomotive buiUlers are regarded as the best in the world; 
and no nation on the globe can compete with us in the con- 
struction of steamboats of every kind, from the ironclad war 
Steamer to the harbor tug. 

5. Copper, Silver and Gold.— In the maimf^cture of 
copper, silver and gold, there has been great progress. At 
the close of the Revolution no manufactures of the kind 
existed in our country. Now, the manufacture of copper- 
ware yearly, of every kind, and jewelry and watches, ba* 
become a large item in our commercial tables. 










n 









Jt^ 




/ 






T S ( VIA. ^. 



78 



WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 



6. A Lust for Gold.— A last for g^old, and the knowl- 
cdge of Its existence in America, was the chief incentive to 
emigration to these shores. But within the domain of our 
republic very little of it was found, until that domain was 
extended far toward the Pacific ocean. It was unsuspected 
until long after the Revolution. Finally, gold was discov- 
ered among the mountains of Virginia, N\)rth and South 
Carolina, and in Georgia. North Carolina was the first 
state in the Union to send gold to the mint in Philadelphia. 
Its first small contribution was in 18u4. From that time 
until 1828 the average amount produced from North Caro- 
lira mines did not exceed $2,500 annually. Virgmia's first 




Sutter's Mill, California, where Cold was Discovered 

In 1848. 

contribution was in 1829, when thr.t of North Carolina for 
that year was $128,000. Georgia sent its first contribution 
in 1830. It amounted to $212,0<3O. The product so increased 
that branch mints were established in North Carolina and 
Georgia in 18."^7 and 18;J8, and another in New Orleans. In 
1848 gold was discovered in the American fork of the Sac- 
ramento river in California and soon afterward elsewhere in 
that region. A gold fever seized the people of the United 
States, and thousands rushed to California in search of the 

Srecious metals. Within a year from the discoverv nearly 
),000 people were there. Less than lave >ears afterwaro, 



WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 



79 



California, in one year, sent to the United States mint fully 
$40,000,000 in gold. Its entire gold product in this time is 
estimated at more than $800,000,000. Over all the far west- 
ern states and territories the precious metals, gold and sil- 
ver, seem to be scattered in profusion, and the amount of 
mineral wealth yet to be discovered there seems to be incal- 
culable. Our coal fields seem to be inexhaustible; and out 
of the bosom of the earth, in portions of our country, flow 
millions of barrels annually of petroleum, or rock oil, afford- 
ing the cheapest illuminating material in the world. 




The First Warship. 



7. Mineral Coal. — Mineral coal was first discovered and 
used in Pennsylvania at the period of the Revolution. A 
boat load was sent down the Susquehanna from Wilkesbarre 
for the use of the Continental works at Carlisle. But it was 
not much used before the war of 1812, and the regular busi- 
ness of mining this fuel did not become a part of the com- 
merce of the country before the year 1820, when 365 tons 
were sent to Philadelphia. At the present time the amount 
of coal sent to market from the American mines, of all 
kinds, is equal to full 30,000,000 tons annually. 



K) WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 

8. The First Canals,— The first canals made in this 
country were two short ones, for a water passage around 
the South Hadley and Montague Falls, in Massachusetts. 
These were constructed in 1792. At about the same time 
the Inland Rock Navigation Companies, in the state of 
New York, began their work. The Middlesex canal, con- 

oni[jleted i: 
ngth, was fi 

... ...-v., c. c. ^^. -.. ,^,^.., _ aggregate 

of canals built in the United States is 3,200 miles. 




The Modern Warship. 

The first railway built in the United States was one 
three miles in length, that connected the granite quarries 
at Quincy, Mass., with the Xeponset river. It was com- 

{)leted in 1827; horse power was used. The first use of a 
ocomotive in this country was in 1829, when one was put 
upon a railway that connected the coal mines of the Dela- 
M-are & Hudson Canal Company with Honesdale. This 
was for freight only. The fir^t passenger railway was 
opened in 18:30. Now railwavs form a thick network all 
over the United States east of the Mississippi, and are 
rapidly spreading over the states and territories beyond, 
to the Pacific ocean. To these facilities for commer- 
cial operations must be added the electro-magnetic 
telegraph, an American invention, as a method of 
transmitting intelligence, and giving warning signals to 
the shipping and agricultural interests concerning the 
iKtual and probable state of the weather each day. The 
first line, forty miles in length, was constructed between 



WHAT THE AMERICANS HAVE DONE. 81 

Baltimore and Washington in 1844, Now the lines are 
extended to every part of our Union, and all over our civil- 
ized world, traversing oceans and rivers, and bringing Pans 
and New York within one hour's space of intercommuni- 
cation. 

9. Improvement of the Schools. — As the nation ad- 
vanced in wealth and intelligence, the necessity for correct 
popular education became more and more manifest, and as- 
sociated efforts were made for the improvement of the 
schools by providing for the training of teachers under the 
respective phase of teachers* associations, educational 
periodicals, normal schools and teachers' institutes. The 
first of these societies in this country was the Middlesex 
County Association for the Improvement of Common 
Schools, established at Middletown, Conn., in 1799. But 
little of importance was done in that direction until within 
the last forty-five years. Now provision is made in all sec- 
tions of the Union, not only for the support of common 
schools, but for training-schools for teachers. Since the 
civil war, great efforts have been made to establish common- 
school systems in the late slave-labor states that should in- 
clude among the beneficiaries the colored population. Much 
has been done in that regard. 

10. Free Schools. — Very great improvements have 
been made in the organization and disciplme of the public 
schools in cities within the last thirty years. Free schools 
are rapidly spreading their beneficent influence over the 
whole Union, and in some states laws have been made that 
compel all children of a cercam age to go to school. Insti- 
tutions for the special culture of young women in all that 
pertainsto college education have been established within a 
few years. The pioneer in this work is \'assar College, at 
Poughkeepsie, N. Y., which was first opened in the year 
1865. Besides the ordinary means for education, others 
have been established for special purposes. These are law, 
scientific, medical, theological, military, commercial and 
agricultural schools, and seminaries for the deaf, dumb and 
bhnd. In many states school district libraries have been 
established. There are continually enlarging means pro- 
vided for the education of the whole people. Edmund 
Burke said, " Education is the cheap defense of nations." 

11. Newspapers. — Ihe newspapers printed in the 
United States at the beginning of the Revolution were few 
in number, small in size, and very meager in information of 
any kind. They were issued weekly, semi-weekly and tri- 
weekly. The first daily newspaper issued in this country 
was the American Daily Advertiser established in Phil- 



82 



THE GROWTH OF CITIES. 



adelphia in 1784. In 1775 there were thirty-seven news- 
papers and periodicals in the United States, with an ag- 
gregate issue that year of 1,2<X),CkX) copies. In 1870 the 
number of daily newspapers in the United States was 542, 
and of weeklies, 4,425. Of the dailies. 800,0(A>.000 were 
issued that year; of the weeklies, 6'KJ,0<X),000; and of other 
serial publications, 1 W.OOO.OOO ; makint^ an aggregate of 
fully 1 ,5(Xt,000,000 copies. To these figures should be made 
a large addition at the close of 1895. There are now about 
forty newspapers in the United States which have existed 
over fifty years. 

The Growth of Cities. 

New York. — Nature never prepared a more pictur- 
esque or a more advantageous site for a great commercial 
capital than Manhattan Island, nor a harbor more secure 




New York in 1612. 

or better adapted for commerce of the world than New York 
bay. In primeval solitude, 3,000 miles from civilization, the 
discovery and settlement of the island by Europeans may 
be traced to causes beginning about three centuries ago. 
Two great Dutch commercial corporations seriously agi- 
tated the world during the half century between 1580 and 
1630, and in the convulsive moments through which they 
took their rise. New York has its origin. 



THE GROWTH OF CITIES. 



83 




New York in 184-6. 




New York Harbor. 



34 GROWTH OF CITIES. 

In 1809, Henry Hudson, an Englishman iu the service of 
the Dutch East India Company, sailed to America to find 
a northwest passage to India. Failing in this, he explored 
the eastern coast of North America from Chesapeake Bay 
to Long Island, entered New York harbor, and ascended 
the Hudson beyond the present site of Albany. This voy- 
age laid the foundation of the greatest city of the New 
World. New York City in 1890 had a population of 1,515,- 
301, an increase of over 25 per cent, from the census of lf<»0. 
The popul.-ition at the present writing is over two millions. 

Chicago.— The second city in size is advantageously 
situated on the southwest shore of Lake Michigan. The 
name is of Indian origin, signifying "wild onion." It was 
first settled in 18:^1 and in 18:32 contained about a dozen 
families, besides the officers of Ft. Dearborn located there. 
Its first charter was granted in 1837. At its settlement it 
seemed an unpromising site for a great city. The river 
mouth was a sluggish bayou, its banks marshy, muddy flats, 
not at all favor.ible to the growth of a large city. Harbors 
on the great lakf^s are not turned out ready made by nature, 
but must be C(Mistructed by human enterprise and skill. 
Western ingenuity and venturesomeness was equal to the 
occasion, and ahhough the work was begun on a small scale, 
it was rapidly extended to meet the growing wants of com- 
merce, until Chicago now has a harbor adequate to the de- 
mands of a great city. Its rapid increase is shown in the 
following census reports of its population: 1840, 4,470; 
1850 28.260; 18(50,150,000; 1870, 2',I8,000. 1880, 596.665; 1890, 
1,099,8.50.* In October, 1871, a terrible fire occurred which 
burned 18.000 houses, extending over 2100 acres;200 persons 
perished and nearly 100,000 were rendered homeless. The 
total loss was 8190,000,000 of which about $40,000,000 was 
recovered on insurance. Many insurance companies were 
utterly ruined. The recovery of the city from this calamity 
was so rapid that in three years its only evidence was in the 
grandeur and magnificei'ice of its buildings over all the 
raged district. In extent of district burned the Chicago 
fire stands first in the great conflagrations of the world. 

Chicago, the pride of the central part of our nation, 
stands unequaled in many respects. The city is 26 miles 
long, greatest width 15 miles, total area 190 square miles. 
I.ake'frontage 22 miles. 2,210 miles ol streets, of which 658 
are improved. Fifty-nine miles are boulevards. 

The longest street is Halsted street, 21 >^ miles in extent. 

• A solifHil census of ("liicaRo in 1^192 stiowcii a populatiou of more 
thtta i.WO.OOO. and the same ccubus for lSi»6 is l.dlQ.'J'ZtS. 



THE GROWTH OF CITIES. 85 

There are about 400 miles of street-railway tracks grid- 
ironing tlie city and furnishing transportation for upward 
of three-quarters of a million people. 

The floating population of Chicago averages 75,000 daily; 
the hotel and other accommodations for transients being 
great enough to care for 150,000. 

It is interesting to note the statistics bearing upon the 
shipping of Chicago. In 1891 there entered and cleared at 
New York 16,000 vessels, while at Chicago 20,OGO vessels 
entered and cleared. 

Practically Chicago is the terminal point of all the trunk 
lines of railway, north, south, east, and west, in the United 
States, Canada, and Mexico. 

Over 90,000 miles of railroads center in Chicago at the 
present time. It is admitted to be the greatest railroad 
center in the world. 

Estimates have been made showing that more passen- 
gers arrive and depart, more merchandise is received and 
shipped daily, than at any other point on earth. 

The commerce of the city for 1891 was $1,459,000,000, 
against S20,000,000 for 1850. In the same year the amount 
of money paid to employes in manufacturing establish- 
ments was $104,904,000, while the capital employed in man- 
ufacturing was 8240,302,000. 

Chicago is destined to be the first city in America. 
Is the largest cattle market in the world. 
Is the largest lumber market in the world. 
Is the largest grain market in the world. 
Is the greatest stove market in the world. 
Is the greatest packing center in the world. 
Is the greatest railway center in the world. 
Chicago has the largest stock yards in the world. 
Has the finest hotel buildings in the world. 
Has the largest office buildings in the world. 
Has a greater area than any city in America. 
Has the greatest elevator capacity in the world. 
Has the largest agricultural implement manufactory in 
the world. 

Has the largest mining machine factory in the world. 
Has the largest commercial building in the world. 
Has the greatest retail dry goods house in the world. 
Has the largest cold storage building in the world. 
Has the largest library circulation in the United States. 
Has the largest percentage of bank reserves in America. 
Has the most complete cable system in the world. 
Has the most complete water system in the world. 



r>-'^-')'4?, 




00 



O 

o 
< 

X 

u 



CATTLE KILLED AND DRESSED. 



87 



One of Chicago's Greatest Industries, 
The Stock Yards. 

Chicago has the largest stock yards in the world. This 
center of the live stock trade was opened in 1858. The 
yards cover nearly 400 acres, affording a capacity for 
65,000 cattle, 160,000 hogs, 12,000 sheep, and 2,000 horses. To 
those unacquainted with these sights, a visit to the stock 
yards is exceedingly interesting and valuable. 




Killing Cattle at Armour's 



How 5,ooo Cattle are Killed and 
Dressed in a Day. 

The killing and dressing of beef will prove of much in- 
terest to all. Usually the cattle are left in the pens adjoin- 
ing the beef house twenty-four hours after having been 
driven from the yards. This insures an even, cool tempera- 



88 



CATTLE KILLED AND DRESSED. 



ture. They arc then driven into narrow passageways beside 
the pens, each compartment being only large enough to 
hold one anmial. Over head is a plank whereon walks the 
grim executioner. The cattle are killed either by shooting 
or by the stroke of a large hammer; sometimes by means 
of a heavy spear the spinal column is severed at its junction 
with the skull. In whatever way administered, death is 
immediate. Directly opposite the steer, as it falls, is a slid- 
ing door which is lifted and the animal is drawn onto the 
dressing floor by a chain attached to the horns. He is then 
raised automatically, by his hind quarters and suspended 
from a rail, and busy hands attack him. The head is cut off 
and the tongue removed by one man, the feet stripped by the 
next, the entrails are removed by another, the hide stripped 
off by one. and a general finishing touch given by another. 

The killing and dressing process is over. The steer still 
hangs suspended from the rails, on which it is now moved 
past the weighmaster, who records its weight and nature, 
and then it is slid along on the rail to the chill room. Here 
the air, by means of cold air machinery, is kept constantly 
near the ireezing point. Here the beef is allowed to hang 
from forty to eighty hours, and then, still suspended from 
the rails, is run out to the loading platform, divided into 
fore and hind quarters, careful. y inspected and trans- 
ferre<l to the refrigerator cars standing ready to receive it, 
and in them distributed to all parts of the country. 








^. 




Stickinj? Hogs at Armour's. 



HOW HOGS ARE KILLED AND DRESSED, 89 

« 

How Hogs are Killed and Dressed at 
the Rate of i6 a Minute. 

Hog-killing and the subsequent treatment of pork prod- 
ucts offer a most interesting and, indeed, unique field of 
observation. It would seem as if this department had been 
brought to a state of absolute perfection. 

The hogs are dnven from the yards up elevated road- 
ways into pens adjoining the slaughter house, and after a 
sufficient delay to permit them to cool off, ihey are driven 
into the building 100 or '2(iO at a time. Runnmg directly 
over the slaughter basin, where stands the blood-bespattered 
butcher, are rails with wheel and pivot attachments. Nim- 
ble boys deftly pass a chain over one hind leg of eacli 
animal. The chain is quickly wound up and the hog lifted 
completely from the floor. The rail on which the pivot 
wheel rests is on an inclined plane, and in a moment the 
hog is brought right in front of the executioner, who with a 
quick and dextrous stroke administers the death thrust. 
The blood drains off into a reservoir below, to be afterwaru 
dried, pulverized and used for fertilizing. 

The hog is then brought over an immense vat of boiling 
water, into which it is plunged, left there a few momems 
and then by means of a huge gate, connected by revolving 
pivots at the sides, swung onto a table. Passing through the 
center of the table is an endless chain with hooks attached, 
one of which is fastened into the nose of the hog, and by 
this means the anim.al is carried along through the scraping 
machine. 

This machine is made of huge steel b ades, mounted on 
inverted cylinders, and so constructed that contact is easily 
made with every portion of the body as it passes through. 
In less than ten seconds the hog, which previously presented 
an unclean and disheveled appearance, comes forth sleek 
and clean. The bristles are saved and sold to brush mak- 
ers; the hair falls into a receptacle on the floor beneath, and 
is dried, cleaned, and readily sold to curled hair manufac- 
turers. Emerging from the machine the hog is thoroughly 
washed by a strong stream of water from a hose. The gam- 
bels are then cut, and by them the hog is once more sus- 
pended from the rail. 

A sharp knife in a dextrous hand disembowels bim. 
The head is severed almost entirely from the body, the 
intestines are carefully separated, the leaf lard is removed 
at the next table, and tl.e head is entirely taken off at the 
next. The tongue is removed, the cheeks are singed, and 



90 



HOW HOGS ARE KILLED AND DRESSED. 














^:%'mM 



^ •^H*-,.^^'-^jt« 



^^v 



...v^ 














The Old Style. 



Mr. hog, minus his head, glides gracefully down the inclined 
plane to the hanging floor. The sanguinary nature of the 
operation is lust sight of in the mechanical and speedy way 
in which it is performed. Sixteen hogs a minute are oper- 
ated upon, so that little time is left for reflection. 

To the hanging floor, where the hogs are suspendsd in 
rows to cool and become firm, the descent is easy and rapid. 
Here the sides are severed, each still suspended from the 
rail, and are pushed down parallel alleyways and there left 
to cool. Here they are generally allowed to remain twenty- 
four hours. An even temperature is maintained in the cool- 
ing room all the year round. In summer vast stores of ice 
overhead contribute to that end. F'rom the cooling room 
the sides are run on the rails to the cutting table. 



OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. 91 

Our National Greatness. 

X. The Youngest but Greatest Nation of the Earth. — 

Of all the nations of the earth which have grown into 
political eminence and intluence none have shown sue h 
unprecedented growth and development. Rome, in the 
days of her martial greatness, though the growth of cen- 
turies, never possessed the resources, the military strength, 
nor the national prosperity characteristic of the United 
States. Of all the nations of the past none have ever risen 
with such immense strides of industrial growih with which 
our country has marched to the front. 

2. The Marvel of Nations. ^The organization of our re- 
public was a new dep?rnire from the old furnfi: of govern- 
ment; it was an uiitritd experiment; a government unlike 
any other government. Its success has surprised the 
world and made every European ruler tremble upon his 
throne. Owing to the fact that people of all nations love re- 
ligious and civil libertv, our country was rapidly populated. 
The American people have set the example of independent 
self-government , and millions of the oppressed have 
rushed to our shores for liberty and protection, and they 
have not been disappointed. No other country has 
ever grown like it, and no other country has ever given 
to its people such a wide range of industrial and 
political opportunity, America is truly what a certain 
statesman has said, " a country in which every voter is a 
sovereign and everv woman a queen." 

3. The Seven Wonders of American Government: 

1. No nation ever acquired so vast a territory in so 
quiet a manner. 

2. No nation ever rose to such greatness by means so 
peaceable. 

3. No nation ever advanced so rapidly in all that con- 
stitutes national strength and capital. 

4. No nation ever rose to such a pinnacle of power in 
a space of time so incredibly short. 

6. No nation in so limited a time has developed such 
tmlimited resources. 

6. No nation has ever existed the foundations of whose 
government were laid so broad and deep in the principles 
of justice, righteousness and truth. 

7. No nation has ever existed in which men have been 
left so free to work out their own fortune, and to worship 
God accordin« to the dictates of their own conscience. 



92 



OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. 



4. Our Territory. — Our nation began with a very small 
settlement of earnest men, who, fleeing from the religious 
intolerance of the Old World, occupied a narrowstrip along 
the Atlantic coast. They overcame famine and survivea 
the tomahawk and scalping knife of the lurking savage; 
they built homes, developed farms and built cities. Now, a 
mighty nation with all its vast expanse of territory, stretch- 
ing from ocean to ocean and from regions almost arctic on 
the north, to regions almost as torrid on the south, embrac- 
ing more habitable land than Rome ever ruled over in her 
palmiest days after more than seven centuries of growth, 
the United States holds a position of independence and 
glory that is second to none among the nations of the earth. 

In 1787 the Constitution was framed and subsequently 
ratified by the thirteen original states — New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North 
Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. 







The First Governor's House In New York. 




93 



f4 Ol'R NATIONAL GREATNESS. 

On the first day of March, 1789, the American ship of 
state was fairly launched with less than one million square 
miles of territory (827,844). Since then we have actjuired 
from France, April 30, 1803. for I15,(X)0,000, 1,171,931 square 
miles; from Spain. July 17, 1821, for $6,600,000 59.268 square 
miles; from aimexation of Texas, March 2, 1845, 376,133 
t.quare miles; frcim purchase from Mexico, July 4, 1848, for 
f 15,000,000, 545,7^3 square miles; from second Mexican pur- 
chase for 810,000,000, 4."),5;{5 square miles; from Russia, 
March 30, 1867 for $7,200,000. the territory of Alaska con- 
taining 577.390 square miles. This gives a grand total of 
tlnee million, six hundred three thousand, eight hundred 
eighty-four (3,603,884) square miles of territory, four-ninths 
of all North America, and more than one-fifteenth of the 
whole land surface of the globe. Of all nations on the globe 
whose laws are framed by legislative bodies elected by the 
■people, our nation has the largest territory. 

ihe greatness of our country is graphically pictured by 
[)r Strong when he says, "Lay Texas on the face of Europe, 
and this giant with his heail resting on the mountains of 
Norway (directly east of the Orkney Island*), with one palm 
covering London, the other Warsaw, would stretch himself 
down across the kingdom of Denmark, across the empires 
of Germany and Austria, across Northern Italy, and lave 
his feet in the Mediterranean. Dakota might be carved 
into a half dozen kingdoms of Greece; or, if it were divided 
into twenty-six equal countries we might lay down the two 
kingdoms of li^rael and Judah in each." 

5. Our Population. — One hundred and twenty years 
ago the United States became an independent govern- 
ment with about three millions of people. To day we have 
more than s:xty-five millions. And yet this large and very 
rapidly increasing population is exceedingly small com- 
pared with the number our country is able to sustain. It 
IS estimated that the United States can easily sustain and 
enrich 1,000,000,000. If our 65,000,000 were all placed in 
the state of Texas the population would not be as dense as 
many of the countries of Europe. Here under one flag are 
j:athering in ever increasing numbers multitudes from the 
nations of the Old World who, suffering under the yoke of 
taxation, non-proprietorship of the soil, and poverty; and 
attracted by the brightening blazes of freedom, ownership 
of land, equal rights, free schools, plenty, and riches, find 
this indeed to be the land of promise to the present and 
iucceeding generations 

The sound of this new nation has (rone into all tne world. 
It has reached the toiling millions of Europe; and they are 



pfW^n^W ", j|u «>ifli-fi' '■" 'ij("''IHH|' 



H 

X 
PI 

r 

> 

H 

O 

11 

H 

m 

> 
o 
m 




t' 



1 '' ^j>\. 



95 



96 OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. 

swarming to our shores to share its blessings. It has gone 
to the islands of the sea; they have sent their living con- 
tributions to swell its busy population. It has reached th? 
Orient, and opened, as with a password, the gates of nations 
long barred against intercourse with other powers; and 
China and Japan, turning from their beaten track of forty 
centuries are looking with wonder at the prodigy arising 
across the Pacific to the east of them, and catching some of 
the impulse which this growing power is imparting to the 
nations of the earth. 

6. Our Scenery. — Our flag floats over a land that is more 
Deautiful than any other. Behold our rivers, placid and 
turbulent, winding through the valleys of the east and 
threading the prairies of the west. Look upon our moun- 
tains, presenting views of grandeur and sublimity on every 
hand with occasional peaks where eternal snows crown 
their slopes and ice jewels their brows; visit our remarkable 
Yosemite and Yellowstone Park, where are found some of 
the greatest natural wonders of the world; glance upon 
Niagara with its torrent of water falling over the precipice 
and hastening away in the distance to the mighty ocean; 
then turn the eye toward the magnificent prairies of the 
west and look on thousands of acres in rolling splendor, 
voiced with vegetation that blooms and blossoms like the 
rose, here presenting vast acres of waving grain, gleaming 
at setting sun in tints of gold, awaiting to-morrow's reaper, 
and there bringing to view immense herds of cattle that 
will soon be hastened eastward to supply the markets of 
our cities and of the world; once again, glance over mighty 
lakes, burdened with a commerce almost unsurpassed, pass 
the granite hills and mountains of the east scattered by an 
Omnipotent hand to beautify the landscape and pause long 
enough to take a bird's-eye view of the immense manufac- 
turing interests of the Atlantic coast, where toiling multi- 
tudes are earning their daily bread and there has been 
exhibited to you a greater and grander variety of scenery 
than is found in a voyat;e around the globe. 

7 Our Agricultural Products. — With the vast area of 
arable land much of which is exceedingly fertile there 
seems to be but a small percentat^e of food crops produced 
in comparison to what may be produced. We supply our 
people and send large quantities of cereals to European 
markets. The variety of climate gives the advantage of 
producing food plants of cold temperate to almost tropical 
regions. The variety of cereals, vegetables, and fruits is 
unsurpassed, while the quantity leads the world. 

8. Our Mineral Resources. — Nor are our products 



> 

> 

JO 
H 

» 

o 

a 

c 

!? 

(0 
O 

n 

V) 




87 



96 OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. 

limited to our soil, for underneath the soil are found im- 
mense beds of minerals that need but be opened to be 
turned to wealth. Our coal fields are inexhaustible. Iron, 
copper, lead, zinc, and the precious metals are found in 
great abundance in different parts so that it is not an idle 
boast to say that in variety and richness of mineral re- 
sources our country is unsurpassed, yea, unequaled. 

9. Our National Wealth. — The wealth of the United 
States is phenomenal. The total true valuation of all 
tangible property, not including bonds, notes, mortgages, 
stocks, securities, and corporate property, in the United 
States, exclusive of Alaska in the census of 1890 amounted 
to §65,037,091, 197 of which amount $39,544,644,333 represents 
the value of real estate and improvements thereon and the 
remainder that of personal property, including railroads, 
mines and quarries. In this respect we eclipse every other 
nation of the world so that comparisons are made with 
difficulty. Our increase in wealth is without a parallel in 
the world's history and yet we have but begun to develop 
our resources. 

10. Our Constitutional Liberties. — Our creed declares 
that "all men are created free and equal," that they are 
"endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; 
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness." It has passed into adage that ours is a "government 
of the people, by the people, and for the people." Hence, 
in the United States, every man is a Ciesar, a sovereign, a 
king, not by decrees of men, but by letters patent from the 
court of Heaven, and by the authority of Almighty God. 
How glorious our her; ge! How enviable our lot! 

Once enrolled as itizens of this country, we may go 
forth hoping to win any position in the gift of the nation 
with ten thousand agencies awaiting our coming, which 
offer their unsought counsel and energy to urge us on our 
way. With us success is privileged. The humblest child 
from the most obscure home under the flag of our Union 
has an equal right to that patronage which should make 
him great among men. Of us Lord Bacon spoke when he 
said: "It remainelh for God and angels to be lookers on." 
For in an American race every man has a right to lead and 
a chance to rule. Birth and age are ruled out. V^otes 
bring in. 

The modern idea that the government exists for the in- 
dividual has abolished slavery anil elevated womanhood, so 
that at jiresent it is ditticult for us to believe that even in 
the early years of this century it was not an uncommon oc- 
currence for an Englishman to sell his wife into servitude. 



O 

G 

O 



JO 

o 

> 

D 

m 
> 

o 



DO 

m 

JO 
H 
•< 




99 



100 OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. 

Incredulous to our age is the tollowing taken from The New 
Monthly Magazine lor ScfJtemhei, 1814; "Stiropshire.— A 
well-looking woman, wife of John Hall, to whom she had 
been married only one month, was brought by him in a 
halter, and sold by auction, in the market, for two and six- 
pence, with the addition of sixpence fur the rope with which 
she was led. In this sale the customary market fees were 
charge<l — toll, one penny; pitching, three pence." 

11. Our Industry. — This is emphatically a land of in- 
dustry. Without work we cannot succeed. It matters not 
so much what a man does, so long as it be legiiimate em- 
ployment, and is well done. Here this lesson is taught as 
under no other form of government. 

12. Our Ingenuity is the marvel of the world. We talk 
by lightning and walk by steam We delve the mountains, 
bridge the oceans, and lasso the stars. Our patent office 
reports of inventions are as difficult of apprehension to for- 
eigners as the report of John's apocalyptic visions. Tour- 
ists from the old world stand or ride a-gape and a-stare, 
from ocean to ocean. 

Inventiveness is a national trait. At the International 
Electrical Exposition in Pans some years ago, five gold 
medals were given for the greatest inventions or discov- 
eries. Only fii'e of these came to the United States, 
Europe acknowledges that we have the best machinery and 
tools in the world. This also implies that we have the best 
mechanics. Even Herbert Spencer says, "Beyond ques- 
tion, in respect of mechanical appliances, the Americans 
are ahead of all nations." The superior ingenuity and in- 
telligence of our mechanics command the respect of the 
world and place our manufacturing products foremost 
among its nations. Our progress in science is remarkable. 
Our Franklins and Morses, Silhmans and Pierces, Proctors 
and Edisons, are tall enouj;h to be seen around the world. 
Even provincial Hritain and Germany do us homage here. 

13. Our Philanthropy. — Here again we challenge, not 
simply the intentions, nut simply the admiration, but the 
astonishment of the oldest governments of the earth 
Where is official charity so boundless, private philanthropy 
so open handed, and real beneficence so constant and 
abuntliint as m the land of the victorious free ? What 
asylums for the blind, deaf, dumb, and the mind-benighted I 
What refuges for the aged! What orphanages, and homes, 
and retreats for abandoned or unfortunate youth or aged! 
What hospitals for the receptions of the sick and maimed! 
What associations for the recovery and uplifting of fallen 
men and women! We do not say that other nations are 




MONUMENTS OF AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. 



101 



..>-t--^ m»" 







< 



o 

o 

a: 











102 



OUR NATIONAL GREATNESS. lOS 

unphManthropic ; but we do claim that, in open-handed and 
munificent philanthropy, the land of light and liberty, and 
tne cultured heart, leads the world. 

14. Our Educational and Religious Institutions.— Edu- 
cation and liberty go hand in hand. The benigned influ- 
ences of the Christian faith, for which our fathers stood, 
have made us what we are. Without their influences west- 
ern civilization would never have reached the pinnacle it 
holds to-day. Our educational and Christian institutions 
are the bulwarks of our nation. Whoever strikes at these 
strikes at our government. He who proposes to Romanize 
our common schools, proposes to revolutionize our institu- 
tions — to revolve them backward — Rome-ward, slaveward 
and deathward. He who says, " Divide the public funds 
that we may educate our children as a foreign, un-Americanj 
anti-republican pontiff dictates," is guilty of treason; and 
he who says : "Away with your American educational insti- 
tutions," is an assassin in intent, and levels his sword at 
Columbia's heart. God preserve our educational and 
Christian institutions ! 

15. America Holds the Future. — The United States has 
occasion for profound gratitude. Our heritage is rich beyond 
measure. Where will you find under one flag so many truly 
great men ? Where so many whose native air sweeps down 
from the summits of moral and intellectual Matterhorns ? 
Where more unique, compact, full-orbed, yet disciplined, 
sanctified, and consecrated individualities than in "the land 
of the free and the home of the brave" ? Let the magnifi- 
cent procession pass in grand review, while the nations of 
the earth uncover. Well may the earth tremble and rever- 
berate with loudest acclamations, and heaven even send 
down her choicest congratulation. 

As goes America so goes the world in all that is vital to 
its moral welfare. Our inheritance in our men, our Consti- 
tution, and our institutions, how great! Only the tongue of 
an angel could tell it ; only the pen of an archangel could 
record it. And yet we are only in our babyhood. What 
prophet can arise and tell us what the possibilities of the 
future are, when we shall have attained to national, educa- 
tional, moral, and spiritual maturity ? Let us hallow the 
memory of our ancestors, from whom we have inherited so 
much. Let us cherish, with loving fidelity, and with un- 
wavering patriotism our inheritance. 



/ ■. 







■^A- 




o 
o 



w 

Qi 
Q 

< 

o 

h 

o 

DQ 

W 

D 



KH 



THREATENING DANGERS. 1^ 

Threatening Dangers. 

1. Immigration. — At the beginning of 1896 more than 
seventeen millions (17,101,425) of foreigners had come to 
our shores seeking a home in the land of the free. Many 
of these have become citizens of moral worth, and are in 
perfect harmony with our free and Christian institutions. 
They are doing their utmost in the pulpit, in the learned 
professions, in the trades, in our legislative halls, and in our 
homes to advance and to perpetuate American interests. 
But even the casual observer knows that this does not 
include the great mass of foreigners who come to our shores 
not to be Americanized or Christianized. With the idea 
that license to do wrong is American liberty, these hordes 
of the criminal and baser classes of Europe are crowding 
our shores. America's hope lies in our power to elevate 
these masses in the scale of civilization and to Americanize 
this foreign element. An exceedingly large per cent of our 
criminals are foreigners. True Americans must rise and 
bestir themselves if we are not to be overwhelmed by these 
undesirable and dangerous classes. 

2. Intemperance. — This is not only an evil that degrades, 
demoralizes, and ruins the individual, but not content with 
its work of death upon the individual it seeks to perpetuate 
its work by controlling our politics. The New York Times 
says: "The great underlying evil which paralyzes ever]/ 
effort to get good laws and to secure the enforcement of 
these we have, is the system of local politics which gives 
the saloon-keeper more power over government than is 
possessed by all the religious and educational institutions 
combined.'' Let the moral and religious element combine 
and be as interested in the question as those carrying on 
the work and the danger in this respect will be averted. 

3. Centralization of Wealth. — The great disturbances 
in labor circles result largely from an unequal distribution 
of wealth. In Europe the aristocracy is one of birth ; with 
us it is one of wealth. In Europe the wealth of the nation 
maybe in the hands of the few, but in our nation where 
equality is the watchword, popular discontent threatens the 
peace and safety of the nation, whenever the conditions of 
society are such that the many are controlled and governed 
by the influences of the few of unlimited means. 

The centralization of wealth in our country is strikingly 
shown by Mr. Thomas G. Shearman, in an article in the 
Forunt. It is clear that the {people do not own this country, 
but the millionaires do. Mr. Shearman gives a list of persons 
aod estates that are worth $20,000,000 or more. Here is his 



106 THREATENING DANGERS. 

list, which, though its accuracy may be in doubt, certainly 
comes near enough to the actual figures to be interesting, 
to say the least : 

$150,000,000; J. J. Astor, Trinity Church. 

$100,000,000; C. Vanderbilt, W. K. Vanderbilt, Jay Gould, 
Leland Stanford, J. D. Rockefeller. 

$70,000,000; Estate of A. Packer. 

$60,000,000; John I. Blair. Estate of Charles Crocker. 

§60,000,000; \Vm. Astor. W. W. Astor, Russell Sage. E. A. 
Stevens Estate of Moses Taylor, Estate of Brown & Ives. 

$40,000,000; P. D. Armour, F. A. Ames, \Vm. Rockefeller, 
H. M. Flagler, Power & Weightman, Estate of P Goelet. 

$85,000,000; C. P. Huntington, D. O. Mills, Estates of T. 
A. Scott. J. W. Garrett. 

$30,000,000; G. B. Roberts, Charles Pratt, RossWinans, 
E B. Coxe, Claus Spreckels, A. Belmont, R. J. Livingston, 
Fred Weyerhauser, Mrs. Mark Hopkins, Mrs. Hetty Green, 
Estates of S. V Harkness R. \V. Coleman, I. M. Singer. 

125,000,000; A. J. Drexcl, J. S. Morgan, J. P. Morgan, 
Marshall Field, David Dows, J. G. Fair, E. T. Gerry, Estates 
of Gov. Fairbanks A. T. Stewart, A. Schermerhorn. 

$22,500,000; O. H. Payne, Estates of F. A. Drexel, I.V. 
Williamson, \V. F. Weld. 

$20,000,000; F. \V. Vanderbilt, Theo. Havemeyer, W. G. 
Warden, W. P. Thompson, Mrs. Schenley, J. B. Haggin,H. 
A. Hutchiiis, Estates of W. Sloan, E. S. Higgins, C. Tower, 
Wm. Thaw, Dr. Hostetter, Wm. Sharon, Peter Donohue, H. 
O. Havemeyer. 

Mr. Shearman, in the course of his article, reaches the 
conclusion that 25,000 persons own one-half of the United 
States, and that the whole wealth of the country is practi- 
cally owned by 150,000 persons, or one in sixty of the adult 
male population ; and he predicts, from the rapul recent 
concentration of wealth, that, under present conditions, 
50,000 persons will practically own all the wealth of the 
country in thirty years. 

We have no titled aristocracy in this country, but we are 
getting an aristocracy of wealth more dangerous. The 
conflict between Labor and Capital is not yet near its end. 

4. Government of Large Cities. — Our large cities are 
increasing at an enormous rate. At the present rate the 
large cities of a state will soon control the politics of a 
state. This is already true in some states. The dangerous 
classes are found in our larger cities. Here the govern- 
ment is the worst. In ail the great American cities there is 
to-day as clearly defined a rulmg class as in the most aristo- 
cratic countries in the world. Its members carry wards in 



THREATENING DANGERS. 



107 



their pockets, make up the slates for nominating conven- 
tions, distribute offices as they bargain together, and 
though they toil not, neither do they spin, wear the best 
of raiment and spend money lavishly. They are men 
of power, whose favor the ambitious must court, and 
whose vengeance he must avoid. These men are not 
the wise, the learned, the good, who have earned the 
confidence of their fellow citizens by their pure lives, their 
brilliant talents, their faithfulness in public trusts, or their 
ability to solve the problems of government. They are 
rather the gambler, the saloon keeper, the men who control 
votes by buying and selling offices and official acts. De 
Tocqueville wrote more than fifty years ago, "I look upon 
the size of certain American cities, and especially upon the 
nature of their population, asa real danger which threatens 
the security of the Democratic republics of the New 
World." That danger has grown immensely during the 
last fifty years and is to-day more real and imminent than 
ever. 

5. A Corrupt and Ignorant Ballot. — There is no greater 
or more surely destructive danger than that of the ballot in 
the hands of ignorant or wicked men. Here where the bal- 
lot counts for our liberties, nothing should be held more 
sacred. The importance of the subject demands its fur- 
ther consideration on a succeeding page. 




THE MAN WHO NEVER READS THE PAPERS, 
But Votes His Party Ticket Straight. 



CHAPTER III. 



INVENTORS AND INVENTIONS. 




Great Events of the 19th Century 

The chief glory of America is, that it is the country in 
which genius and industry find their speeilicst and surest 
reward. Fame and fortune are here open to all who are 
willing to work for them. Neither differences c.f birth nor 
of religion, neither class distinctions nor social prejudices 
can prevent the man of true merit from winning the just 
reward of his labors in this favoreil land. And yet we are 
not unmindful of the fact that only a few of the nation's 
great men are remembered in history and also of the fact 
that men of inventive genius were subjected to ridicule and 
scorn and often were compelled to labor in abject poverty 
and through years of disheartening hmdcrances before they 
succeeded in convincing the world of their true worth. 

108 



THE COTTON GIN. 109 

"The madhouse is the proper place for him," was said of 
Charles Goodyear who under the most trying adversity dis- 
covered the secret of controlling India rubber. Edison was 
dubbed "luny" because of his inventive genius. Indeed 
before most of the useful discoveries and inventions of to- 
day were perfected the public regarded them as chimerical 
and the product of an unbalanced mind. Their projectors 
were despised and abused while only the Great Eye that 
reads all hearts saw the anguish that wrung the hearts of 
these noble men, and knew the more than heroic firmness 
with which in the midst of their poverty and suffering, 
they agonized to perfect their inventions and discoveries. 
Some of them were not permitted to see the ultimate tri- 
umph of their labors before remorse, neglect, and insolvency 
hurried them to an untimely grave. Otherslike Dr. VVm. T. 
G. Morton, who discovered the use of ether, and Goodyear 
were harrassed and their right trampled upon by a sordid 
and licentious class of infringers. 

To know the history of these great men and their works, 
to comprehend in a measure the privations and hardships 
of this worthy class to whom our marvelous prosperity is 
due, to realize the success attending others, cheers and en- 
courages every noble youth. 



The Cotton Gin. 

The Cotton gin is a machine for freeing cotton from its 
seeds, which adhere to the fibre with considerable tenacity. 
Originally, the cotton gin was an apparatus in which the 
cotton was passed between two rollers revolving in opposite 
directions. This, the "roller gin " is still used for ginning 
sea-island or black-seeded cotton, which is quite easily freed 
from its seeds. But green-seeded, upland or short-staple 
cotton, the species most generally grown, cannot be ginned 
by such simple means. In 1793 Mr. Eli Whitney, a native 
of Massachusetts, resident in Georgia, invented the saw gin, 
consisting of a hopper, one side of which is composed of 
parallel wires, between which revolve circular saws, the 
teeth of which drag the fiber through the wires, leaving the 
seed behind. This invention, which brought Mr. Whitney 
small profit and much litigation, has immensely increased 
the cotton industry of the world. The United States leads 
the world in inventive genius, and the vast cotton industry, 
which has so wonderfully cheapened the production of cot- 
ton cloth, is largely due to the pluck and perseverence of 
American skill. 
8 



no 



STORY OF THE FIRST SEWING MACHINE. 




Whitney's Cotton Gin. 1793, 

Mr. Whitney was bom in Massachusetts. His unusual 
mechanical genius aided him in overcoming the difficulties 
of poverty. By his own earnings he was enabled to gradu- 
ate at Yale in i792. Going south to seek employment as a 
teacher, his attention was called to the dithculties of clean- 
ing the seeds from the cotton. Despite many discouraging 
circumstances he succeeded in inventing a machine that 
brought many millions of dollars to the south. Piratical 
infringers robbed this greatest of benefactors and he would 
have died in poverty had he not turned his attention to the 
improvement of fire arras, by means of which he acquired a 
fortune. 

Story of the First Sewing Machine. 

I Elias Howe, Jr.— It would be impossible to follow 
Mr Howethrough all the details of his varied experience 
during his early years. Suffice it to say, that it was at Bos- 
ton, when in his twentieth year, and after he had learned 
the rudiments of his trade in one of the machine shops ot 
Lowell, and subsetiuently in Cambridge, working siile by 
side with Nath-iniel P. Hanks, tliat the thought of sewing by 
machinery was first suggested to his mind. 




ELIAS HOWE, INVENTOR OF THE SEWING 
MACHINE. 



HI 



112 STORY OF THE FIRST SEWING MACHINE. 

a. The Origin.— In the year 1839 two men in Boston, 
one a mechanic and the other a capitaHst, were striving to 
produce a knitting machine, which proved to be a task 
beyond their strength. When the inventor was at his wits' 
end his capitalist brought the machine to the shop of Ari 
Davis, to see if that eccentric genius could suggest the solu- 
tion of the difficulty, and make the machine work. The 
shop, resolving itself into a committee of the whole, gath- 
ered about the knitting machine and its proprietor, and 
were listening to an explanation of its principle. 

Among the workmen who stood by and listened to this 
conversation— and in this instance at least the old adage 
concerning listeners appears to have been reversed— says 
Parton, was Howe; and from that time he was in the habit, 
in his leisure moments, of meditating devices for sewing by 
machinery. Having inherited a constitution hardly strong 
enough for the work of a machinist, and burdened even in 
his opening manhood with the care of a growing family, his 
attention was more and more concentrated upon the proj- 
ect of building a machine which would furnish him a liveli- 
hood more easily earned. In December, 1845, upon a small 
capital provided by the generosity of an old friend, he shut 
himself up in a garret at Cambridge and set himself seri- 
ously to the task of inventing a sewing machine. 

3. Six Months of Incessant Labor. — Aftjer about six 
HioiUhs of incessant labor and reflection he produced the 
first machine that ever sewed a seam, and he was soon the 
wearer of a suit of clothes made by its assistance. This first 
machine, which is one of great beauty and finish, is still in 
existence, an object of peculiar interest to the curious who 
inspect it; and it will sew ten times as fast as a woman can 
sew by hand. 

4. Begging a Shilling.— Having patented the machine, 
and finding the tailors of America averse to its introduction, 
he went to" England, where he succeeded in selling two ma- 
chines; but found so little encouragement that he would 
have starved to death but for the aid of friends, and he re- 
solved to return home or at least to send his family. So 
pinched was he while in London, that he frequently borrowed 
small sums of his friend, Mr. Inglis— onone occasion a shil- 
ling, with which he bought some beans, and cooked and ate 
them in his own room, and through him also obtained some 
credit for jirovisions. 

5. Conspicuous Object of Public Attention.— Arriving 
home after an absence of about two years, he found that the 
sewing machine wasa conspicuous object of public attention; 
doubt had been succeeded by admiration of its qualities; 



PROF, morse's trial. 113 

and several ingenious men having experimented, had finally 
improved upon the machine as originally constructed. A 
war of litigation ensued, and, after several years, Mr. Howe's 
claim to be the original inventor was legally and irreversibly 
established, the judge deciding that "there was no evidence 
which left a shadow of doubt that, for all the benefit con- 
ferred upon the public by the introduction of a sewing ma- 
chine, the public are indebted to Mr. Howe." To him, 
therefore, all other inventors, or improvers had to pay a trib- 
ute. From being a poor man, Howe, became in a few 
years one of the most noted millionaires in America; and 
his bust executed by Ellis, shows a man of marked persooM 
appearance and striking natural endowments. 



Prof. Morse's Trial. 

Prof. Morse was a man of remarkable ability and per- 
severance, and was largely respected in his profession as 
a teacher. When he took up the subject of the study of 
electricity, and began to discuss his discoveries with friends, 
they soon began to shake their heads with doubt, and ques- 
tion his sanity. But, like all other inventors, he was poor, 
and his ideas gained but little favor or consideration among 
his friends. He was ridiculed, denounced as a lunatic and 
a "crank;" but he was an American, and had inherited, 
with his inventive genius, the true American spirit of push 
and pluck. He persevered, and bravely trampled down 
the taunts and jeers heaped upon hmi, and when the grand 
day of triumph came all were ready to do him honor. The 
friends who had refused to assist him — the friends who 
had laughed at him and scorned his friendship — were now 
thie first boasting his praise. 

Prof. Morse went to Europe, and begged of the European 
authorities to consider his proposition, patent his invention, 
and receive the benefits of its wonder-working service. But 
he was turned away without encouragement; he returned 
home to his native land, and only at the last moment did 
Cengress favorably consider his proposition, and finally 
recognized his wonderful invention which has revolution- 
ized the business of the world. 

Prof. Samuel Morse, LL. D., was the eldest son of Rev. J. Morse, 
D.D., bom atCharlestowii,inl791. He was a graduate at Yale college. 
In 1810 he went to England to study painting, and in 1813 received a 
gold medal for his first effort in sculpture. He returned to Now York 
in 1815 and became president of the National Academy of DedigB, and 




PROF. SAMUEL F. B. MORSE, 
The Inventor of the Electric Telegraph, 
lU 



PROF. MORSE S TRIAL. 



115 



was soon appointed professor of the arts and designs in the University 
of New York. He did not give his entire attention to art, but was in- 
terested in chemistry, and especially in electrical and galvanic exper- 
iments, and on a voyage from Havre to New York, in 1832, he con- 
ceived the idea of a magnetic telegraph, which he exhibited to Con- 
gress in 1837, and vainly attempted to patent in England. His claims 
to priority of invention over Prof. VYheatstone, in England, have been 
the subject of considerable controversy. He struggled on with scanty 
means until 1843, when, as ho almost yielded to despair. Congress, at 
midnight, and at the last moment of the session, appropriated $30,000 
for an experimental linobetween Washington and Baltimore. For his 
important telegraphic invention. Dr. Morse was rewarded by testimo- 
nials, honorary orders of nobility and wealth. The magnitude of his 
discovery being acknowledged universally, several European States 
joined in presenting him a purse of 400,000 francs; and splendid ban- 
quets were given him in London and I'aris. He died in New York, 
April 2, 1872. 



^^^^^^^ 








The First Telegraph Instrument- 1 837. 



116 



STORY OF THE FIRST ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH. 







ll, 



' 1^ 



The House where the First Telegraph Instruments 

were IVIade. 

Story of the First Electric Tele- 
g^raph. 

Samuel F. B. Morse of Xou- York, during a vovage 
home from France in 1832, conceived the idea of making 
signs at a distance by means of a pencil moved by an 
electro-magnet and a single conducting circuit, the paper 
being mov^ed uiuier the pencil by clockwork. He con- 
structed a working model of his invention in 18;?6. and ex- 



H 


X 


rj 


D 


^H 


W 


srCD 


n <; 


►nW 


t /U 


aX 


r» 


nO 


(N 1) 


13 TJ 


S » 


U) l-H 


w 2 




?!^ 


So 


ow 


S'< 


Sio 


{Xc 


■^H 


(/5P1 


Si,:^ 




cO 


O HH 


qO 


o m 


5-^ 




rz 


o^'< 


« - 


^> 


•? CO 


o 


G 


H 


•H 


^ 


00 




118 LAYING OF THE ATLANTIC CABLE. 

hibited it to several persons the same year, but not publicly 
until 1837. Several years were devoted to improving the 
invention and endeavoring to interest the pu])Uc in the proj- 
ect. It was not until 1S44^ that the first public line was 
completed between Washington and Baltimore (40 miles), 
and the first message transmitted May 27 of that year. 
Within a few years, however, lines were extended to the 
principal cities of the United States. The Morse telegraph 
was introduced in Germany in 1847, whence i,t has spread 
all over the Eastern hemisphere, and may ncAv be said to 
be the universal telegraph of th:. world. 



Laying of the Atlantic Cable. 

The success of this undertaking at once revived the 
suggestion of laying a cable across the Atlantic ocean from 
Ireland to Newfoundland. In 18-")4 the attention of Mr. 
Cyrus W. Field, of New York, was directed to the subject, 
and mainly through his efforts a companv was formed, 
principally of English capitalists, to undertake the enter- 
prise. The first attempt was made in August, 1857, but it 
was unsuccessful, the cable parting 3 lO miles from shore. 
The following year the attempt was renewed, and the enter- 
prise successfully completed August 5, 1858. The electrical 
condition of the cable was faulty at first, but signals and 
communications were exchanged with more or less facility 
until September 1, when the cable failed altogether. During 
this time 366 messages, containing 3,942 words, were inter- 
changed between Europe and America. Several attempts 
to pick up and repair the cable were made without success, 
and this disastrous result discouraged further enterprise in 
the same direction for a number of years. The experience 
gained, however, was of the highest value, and the success 
of the Malta and Alexandria (1861), Persian Gulf (1864), and 
other deep sea cables, led to the renewal of the attempt to 
cross the Atlantic in 1865, which again resulted in the break- 
ing of the cable after 1,186 miles had been laid out. The 
following year, however, a new cable was successfully sub- 
merged, being landed at Newfountlland in perfect working 
order July 27, 1866, and tlie great problem was thus at last 
definitely solved. In September following the lost cable of 
1865 was picked up and completed. From that date such 
rapid progress has been made in the extension of telegraphic 
cables that at the present time no isolated system of tel- 
egraphs is to be found throughout the world. 




JUDGE STEPHEN VAIL, 

The First Manufacturer and Improver of Telegraph 

Instruments. 



119 



120 STORY OF THE FIRST STEAMBOAT. 

Different Submarine Lines. 

The first submarine lines were simply oruinary iron 
wires coated with gutta-percha to a diameter of half an 
inch. In the cable laid between Dover and Calais in 18-')1, 
four gutta-percha coated conducting wires were wrapped 
with hemp and enclosed in a wire rope for protection. This 
general plan has been followed in all cables since con- 
structed. The Atlantic cables are composed of a copper 
strand of seven wires, forming the conductor, surrounded by 
four layers of gutta-percha and covered by a serving of 
jute; outside of this is a protecting armor of ten wires of 
homogeneous iron, each enveloped in fine strands of manilla 
hemp. In shallow waters, where cables are exposed to in- 
jury from anchors, the armor is often made enormously 
thick and heavv, sometimes weighing as much as twenty 
tons per mile. There are now more than ten cables across 
the Atlantic. 




The First Steamboat in the World. 

The first application of steam to navigation that showed 
any evidence of success was made in this country in 1788, 
by John Fitch, of Philadelphia. Pa. 

Printing Telegraphs. 

The idea of a telegraph which should record message* 
in printed Roman letters is due to Alfred Vail, of New jer- 
sey (1837). The first model of such an instrument was made 
by Wheatstone (1841). House's Telegraph.- This was 

the earliest practical {printing instrument. It was introtluced 
in 1847, and largely used in the United States until about 
18(>0. It is simple in principle, though somewhat compli- 
cated in construction. 



FIRST STEAMBOAT. 



121 



is a correct illustration, was 60 feet long, 8 feet wide, and 4 
feet deep, and worked by paddles. The trial trip, at which 
the governor, and many distinguii-hed nien were present, 
was made over a mile course in front of Water street, Phil- 
adelphia. Although the experiment was considered suc- 
cessful, the project was abandoned, and it was left to 
Robert Fulton to practically de.iionstrate the theories of 
steam navigation. 




Fulton's First Steamboat. 



Fulton*s First Steamboat. 

t. Robert Fulton. — At what time Mr. Fulton's mind was 
first directed to steam navigation is not definitely known, 
but even in 1793 he had matured a plan in which he re- 

gosed great confidence. No one previous to Mr. Fulton 
ad constructed a steamboat in any other way, or with any 
result, than as an unsuccessful experiment, and although 
many have disputed his right to the honor of the discovery, 
none have done so with any semblance of justice. 

2. Mr. Livingston. — The Legislature, in March, 1798, 
passed an act vesting Mr. Livingston with the exclusive 
right and privilege of navigating all kinds of boats which 
might be propelled by the force of fire or steam, on all the 
waters within the territory or jurisdiction of the state of 
New York, for a term of twenty years from the passing of 
the act, upon condition that he should, within a twelve- 
month, build such a boat the mean of whose progress 
should not be less than four miles an hour. 



122 FIRST STEAMBOAT 

3. Interesting Circumstances. — According to Mr. Living- 
ston's own account oi these most interesting circumstances, 
it appears that, when residing as minister plenipotentiary 
of the United States in France, he there met with Mr. 
Fulton and they formed that friendship and connection 
with each other to which a similarity of pursuits naturally 
gives birth. He communicated to Mr. Fulton his views of 
the importance of steamboats to their common country; 
informed him of what had been attempted in America, and 
of his resolution to resume the pursuit on his return, and ad- 
vised him to turn his attention to the subject. It was agreed 
between them to embark in the enterprise, and immediately 
to make such experiments as Avould enable them to deter- 
nine how far, in spite of former failures, the object was 
attainable. The principal direction of these experiments 
was left to Mr. Fulton. 

4. Building a Boat.— On the arrival at New York of 
Mr. Fulton, which was not until 1806, they immediately en- 
gaged in building a boat of — as was then thought — very 
considerable dimensions, for navigating the Hudson. The 
boat named the Clermont, was of one hundred and sixty 
tons burden, one hundred and thirty feet long, eighteen 
feet wide and seven feet deep. The diameter of the pad- 
dle-wheels was fifteen feet, the boards iuur feet long and 
the drippings two feet in water. She was a queer look- 
ing craf^t, and, while on the stocks, excited much attention 
and no small amount of ridicule. 

5. She Was Launched. — When she was launched and 
the steam engine placed in her, that also was looked upon 
as being of a piece with the boat built to float it. A few 
had seen one at work raising the Manhattan water into the 
reservoir back of the almshouse; but, to the people at large, 
the whole thing was a hidden mystery. Curiosity was 
greatly excited. Nor will the reader be at all surprised at 
the statement made by an eye-witness and narrator of tliese 
events, that when it was announced in the New York 
papers that the boat would start from Cortlandt street at 
six and a half o'clock on Friday morning, the 4th of 
August, and take passengers lo Albany, there was a broad 
smile on every face, as the inquiry was made, if any one 
would be fool enough to ro? 

6. She Started. — When Friday morning came the 
wharves, piers, house-tops from which a sight could be 
obtained were filled with spectators. There were twelve 
berths, and every one was taken through to Albany. The 
fare was {7. All the machinery was uncovered and 
exposed to view. The after-part was fitted up in a 



FIRST STEAMBOAT, 



123 




ROBERT FULTON. 



rough manner for passengers. The entrance into the 
cabin was from the stern, in front of the steersman, who 
worked a tiller, as in an ordinary sloop. Black smoke 
issued from the chimney; steam issued from every ill-fitted 
valve and crevice of the engine. Fulton himself was there. 
His remarkably clear and sharp voice was heard above the 
hum of the multitude and the noise of the eigine; his step 
was confident and decided; he heeded not the fearfulness, 
doubts, or sarcasm of those by whom he was surrounded. 
The whole scene combined had in it an mdividuality, as 
well as an interest, which comes but once and is re- 
membered forever. 

Everything being ready the engme was set in motion, 
and the boat moved steadily but slowly from the wharf. As 
she turned up the river and was fairly under way there 
arose such a huzza as ten thousand throats never gave b»* 



124 STORY OK THE FIRST RAILROAD. 

fore. The passengers returned the cheer, but Fulton stood 
upon the deck, his eyes flashing with an unusual brilHancy 
as he surveyed the crowd. He felt that the magic wand of 
success was waving over him, and he was silent. 

7. The Complete Success. — The complete success at- 
tending steam navigation on the Ihulson and the neighlx)r- 
ing waters, previous to the year h^J9, turned the attention 
of the principal projectors to the idea of its application on 
the western waters; and in the month of April, of that year, 
Mr. Roosevelt, of New York, pursuant to an agreement 
with Chancellor Livingston and Mr. Fulton, visited those 
rivers with the purpose of forming an opinion whether they 
admitted of steam navigation or not. Mr. Roosevelt sur 
veyed the rivers from Pittsburg to New Orleans, and as his 
report was favorable it was decided to build a boat at the 
former place. This was done under his direction, and in 
the year 1811 the tirst boat was launched on the waters of 
the Ohio. It was called the New Orleans. 

8. Rapid Growth. — From the date of Mr. Fulton's 
triumph in 1807 steam navigation became a fixed fact in the 
United States, and went on extending with astonishing 
rapidity. Nor could a different result have been rationally 
expected in such a country as America. 

Story of the First Railroad. 

1. Business Changes.— Perhaps no invention of the 
present century has j.roduced such widespread social and 
business changes as that of steam locomotion on railways. 
Not only have places that were formerly more than a day's 
journey from each other been made accessible in a very 
few hours, but the cost of traveling has been so much .-e- 
duced, that the expense has in a great degree long ceased 
to operateas a bar to commi'.iication by railway for busi- 
ness or pleasure, and the usi.al channels of trade have been 
most profitably abandoned or superseded, with the greatest 
benefits to every interest involved. 

2. The History of Railways. — That the history of rail- 
ways shows what grand results may have their origin in 
small beginnings, is no less true than that the power of 
capital is seen in this as in all other great material enter- 
prises. In evidence of the former truth. Dr. Lyell, men- 
tions the interesting, though of course, well-known, fact, 
that, when coal was first conveyed in the neighborhood of 
Newcastle-on-Tync, from the pit of the shipping place, the 
pack horse, carrymg a burden of three hundred weight, 
was the only niodeol transport employed as soon as roads 



STORY OF THE FIRST RAILROAD. 



125 




The First Railroad Engine- 1 829. 

suitable for wheeled carriages were formed, carts were in- 
troduced, and this first step in mechanical appliances to 
facilitate transport had the effect of increasing the load 
which the horse was enabled to carry, from three hundred 
to seventeen hundred weight. 

3. Wooden Bars or Rails for the Wheels.— The next 
improvement consisted in laying wooden bars or rails for 
the wheels of carts to run upon, and this was followed by 
the substitution of the four-wheeled wagon for the two- 
wheeled cart. By this further application of mechanical 
principles, the original horse load of three hundred weight 
was augmented to forty-two hundred. These were indeed 
important results, and they were not obtained without the 
shipwreck of many a fortune. 

4. Attachment of Slips of Iron. — The next step of 
progress in this direction was the attachment of slips ot iroa 
to the wooden rails. Then came the iron tramway, the up- 
right flange of the bar acting, in this arrangement, as a 
guide to keep the wheel on the track. The next advance 
wai an important one, and consisted in transferring tba 



126 



STORY OF THE FIRST RAILROAD. 



guiding flange from the rail to the wheel, an improvement 
which enahlfil cast iron edge rails to he used. 

5. Iron Rails. — Finally, in 18'J0, after tlie lapse of many 
years, froni the first employment of wooden bars, wrought 
iron rails, rolled in long lengths, and of suitable sections, 
were made and in time superseded all other forms of rail- 
ways, coming finally to the superb steel rails of later days. 
Of the locomotive engine, which makes it possible to convey 
a load of hundreds of tons at a cost of fuel scarcely exceed- 
ing that of the provender which the original pack-horse 
consumed in conveying its load of three hundred pounds an 
equal distance, it may justly be called one of the crowning 
achievements of mechanical science. 

6. The Locomotive Engine. — No sooner is a road 
formed fit for wheeled carriages to pass along, than the cart 
lakes the place of the pack-saddle; no sooner is the wooden 
railway provided, than the wagon is substituted for tl.e cart; 
no sooner is an iron railway formed, capable of carrying 
heavy loads, than the locomotive engine is ready to com- 
mence its wonderful career, and so on ad infinitum. 










•':>^Wac*3^^|^* 



The First Railroad Train. 



7. The First Railroad. -The characteristic enterprise 
©f Americans did not fail them in this era of transformatioH 
and advancement. The tirst railroad attempted in the 
United States was a crude and temporary affair in Boston — 
a double-track arrangement for removing gravel from 
Beacon Hill, and so contrived that, while one train de- 
scended the hill with its load, the empty train would thereby 
be hauled up for loading. A more positive effort in this 
Jinc, and more really deserving the name ©f railway, and 



STORY OF THE FIRST RAILROAD. 



12) 




Modern Dining Car. 



consequently honored by historians with the term of priority, 
was that constructed in Quincy, Mass., for the purpose of 
transporting granite from the quarry at that place to the 
Neponset River, a distance of about four miles; it was a 
single-track road, with a width of five feet between the 
rails, the latter being of pine, covered with oak and overlaid 
with thin plates of wrought iron; and the passage from the 
quarry to the landing, of a car carrying ten tons, with a 
single horse was performed in an hour. This was completed 
in 1827, and the affair created much interest. 

8. The First Use of a Locomctive. — The first use of 
a locomotive in this country was in 1829, and was used on 
the railroad built by the Delaware & Hudson Company. 
From this fairly dates, therefore, American railway travel, 
with steam as the locomotive power. So popular was this 
means of transit, however, that, in thirty years from the 
time of its small beginning, more than 80,000 miles of the 
iron road traversed the country in different directions; this 
number of miles increasing to some 80,000 in 1879, with 
nearly 15,000 locomotives, and a capital of rising four and a 
half billions. 



128 



STORY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. 



1 







JOHN STEPHENSON. 

Story of the First Street Car. 

John Stephenson, who has just died at his home in New 
Rochelle, Westchester county, N. Y., had a career that 
is another instance of the business capacity, untiring energy 
and thrifty shrewdness of the people of the Scotch-Irish 
race. He was brought to this country when he was two 
years old, and though of foreign birth he was nevertheless 
in sentiment and training thoroughly American. A sketch 
of his hfe would be a history of the American street car — 
Ihe first one of which he designed and built from the intro- 
duction of such carriages to the present time, when they 
are to be seen in every civilized and modern city of the 
world. And what is more, the cars actually designed and 
built by him are now in use wherever street railroads have 
been adopted. 



STORY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. 129 

At seventeen he was taken from school and put in a 
shop, but before two years had passed his father saw that 
his mechanical tastes and ingenuity were going to waste 
behind a counter, and he was taken away and apprenticed 
to a coachmaker whose shop was in Broome street, where, 
by the way, the carriage business still flourishes. When his 
apprenticeship was over, which was more than sixty years 
ago, he was invited by Abram Brower, who kept a livery 
stable opposite Bond street, on Broadway, to open a shop 
next the stables and keep his vehicles in repair. Mr. Brower 
at that time ran a stage line in Broadway from Bleeker 
street to Wall street, the fare being one shilling. As a gen- 
eral thing, money went further in those days than it does 
now, but tliis did not apply to stage rides. 

The stages then were in the old post-coach style, the 
coaches resting on leather thorough-braces. The seats were 
crossways of the coach, and the entrances on the sides. At 
the outset Mr. Stephenson endeavored to improve on this 
old style, and shortly there appeared from his shop the first 
vehicle known as an "omnibus." The advantage of this 
style of stage was soon seen, and they were built as fast as 
the old coaches needed replacing. So important were these 
new stages considered that they were named as ships are, 
and the first three constructed were called Minerva, Mentor, 
and Forget-me-not. The custom obtained for a long time, 
and still prevails to some extent in southwestern cities, 
where the railway companies run omnibus lines for the pur- 
pose of gathering up and delivering passengers. 

A year after Stephenson's independent career began, his 
shop and Brov/er's stable were destroyed by fire, and, being 
without insurance, his entire capital was wiped out. He 
soon opened another shop, and in it he built his first street 
car, in 1882. The New York & Harlem Railroad was char- 
tered in 1831, and the first street-car line was opened in the 
Bowery in November, 1832. It ran from Prince to Four- 
teenth street. 

The car which Stephenson designed and built was 
named for the president of the road, John Mason, who was 
also president of the now rich and famous Chemical Bank. 
The opening of this road was a great civic event, and the 
mayor and common council of the city, with the officers of 
the road, made the first journey over the road, riding in 
Stephenson's car. 

The great success of the first American street car was 
heralded all over the United States. Orders from the Har- 
lem company for other cars soon followed, and in the same 
year came orders for the new style of cars from Paterson, 



130 STOKY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. 

N. J., Brooklyn and Jamaica, L. I., and from the New Jersey 
Railroad and Transportation Company (now the Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad Company). Orders also came from Talla- 
hassee, Fla., and from IVIatanzas, Cuba. These first cars 
were four-wheelers, and all of them were used on railroads 
except in case of the Harlem company, which were u.-ed in 
the streets. When Ross Winans, of Baltimore, introduced 
the eight-wheel car Mr. Stephenson's shop in Elizabeth 
street was too small for the work he had to do, so in 1836 he 
built a new factory in Harlem, at Fourth avenue and One 
Hundred and Twenty-ninth street. There he did a much 
enlarged business and built regular railway cars of all 
styles. His business now rapidly outgrew his capital, and 
the panic of 1S37 found him unprepared to meet his obliga- 
tions, when his debtors, chiefly railroad companies, could 
not meet theirs. He was compelled to go imo bankruptcy 
and paid 50 cents on the dollar. His Hariem property 
was sacrificed and his Harlem railroad stock brought onlj 
18 per cent, of its face value. 

As he was only twenty-six years old at the time of this 
disaster he was not discouraged. By 1843 he had collected 
enough mo 'cy to resume business. He bought at that time 
the site on Twenty-seventh street, near F ourtli avenue, where 
the ^Stephenson sliops are still located. He paid what was 
then considered a high price, S400 a lot. These lots are now 
worth at least S2."),000 each. That is a very handsome ad- 
vance; or, as Mr. Henry George would say, a considerable 
" unearned increment." Though excused by law from recog- 
nizing the deb s which had been compounded, Mr. Stephen- 
son paid them all off as soon as he was able. One of his 
creditors, Jordan L. Molt, refused to accept payment, saying 
that the faimre was an honest one, and had been legally 
and morally wiped out by the bankruptcy proceedings. 
Some time after this refusal Mr. Mott ordeied a truck 
to be made. When it was finished Stephenson delivered 
it with the bill, endor^ed, " Received payment by the bank- 
ruptcy debt; John Stephenson." Mr. iNJott tried t') pay for 
the truck, but Stephenson firmly refused, so Mr. Mott had 
the truck draped in gay bunting, and drove it thnugh the 
streets of New York, with this legend, in large, white letters 
on both sides of the vehicle: "This is the way an honest 
bankrupt pays his debts; his name is honest John Stephen- 
son." All of the profits of the new establishment for seven 
years were net-ded to pay these debts. 

After the Harlem failure, Mr. Stephenson for several 
years devoted himself entirely to building coaches and 
omnibuses, and be continued building the latter till they 



STORY OF THE FIRST STREET CAR. 



131 



were entirely superseded in use by street cars. Street car 
roads were not profitable at first; but in 1852 they became 
more popular, and many new lines were built. In that year 
the Second, Third, Sixth, and Eighth avenue horse-car 
companies were chartered in New York, and Mr, Stephen- 
son received the order to build the cars that were needed. 
From that time to the present his works have pretty nearly 
always been run to their full capacity, and his cars were 
sent all over the world. 




The Old Stage Coach that Ran from Boston to New Yorh 
in Washington's Time. 



132 A NEW ERA IN TRAVELING. 

A New Era in Traveling. 

The first bicvcle ever made is shown in the accompanying 
illustration, called the Draisine. It was not made to ride 
upon, but it was made to push along on foot so as to rest and 
steady the traveler m his travels. The bicycle, as the first 
steam-engine or first steamboat, has undergone a great many 
changes. 

The first bicycle made in this country was made of two 
cart wheels, and resembles the modern bicycle in many par- 
ticulars. It grew from that rude construction of cart wheels 
to the high-wheeled cushion tire; then the modern safety 
bicycle \vas invented. Some modern improvements have 
been made, and no doubt some will be made. 




The First Bicycle. 1 S I 6. 

Tlie safety bicycle is one of the revolutionizing inven- 
tions of this age, and it is in its way destined to accomplish 
as important social results as the electric street railway. 
From being exceptional, its use has become common, and 
trom lieing common it now bids fair to become well-nigh 
nniversal. Where the roads justify, workingmen have 
begun to appreciate the fact that the wheel relieves them 
of the necessity of living near the shop. So great is its speed 
that five or even ten miles is not a prohibitive distance 
between home and work. The young doctor in the 
town, and also in the country, where the roads justify. 



INVENTION OF THE ELECTRIC LIGHT. 



133 



visits bis patients on his wheel. Even the clergyman— 
again, where the roads justify — combines exercise and 
business by wheeling his round of parish calls. The 
wheelmen have taken the lead in demanding good 
country roads, and the construction of proper roads will 
remove one of the chief objections to country residence. 
Well-graded, smooth roads, properly drained and well cared 
for, are a public interest that demands universal attention. 
They are a prime factor of civilization. The churches 
should join in the chorus for highways made broad and 
smooth, in accordance with numerous Scripture injunctions. 
Good roads in a rural county mean better schools, better 
churches, better markets, higher prices for land, and better 
times every way. When the good roads are secured, the 
long-distance travel on bicycles will become something very 
considerable, as it already is in Great Britain. By the way, 
it is to be hoped that competition mayavail very materially 
to reduce the price of bicycles. If the makers would but 
reduce their prices by one-half, they would so greatly mul- 
tiply the army of riders who would clamor for good roads 
that nothing could resist the demand; and the good roads 
would in turn so stimulate the demand for bicycles that the 
manufacturers would make more money than ever. 



Invention of the Electric Light. 

1. American Genius in the Line of Electric Lighting. 
— The evident priority of American genius in the line of 
electric lighting, it is safe to assert; though not alone in this 
country, but in Europe as well, electricity has been succes- 
fully employed in lighting cities, assembly halls, factories, 
depots, streets, parks, lighthouses, etc., and its adaption for 
marine purposes, as exhibited in the accompanying illustra- 
tion, is looked upon as likely to mitigate the perils of night 
and of fogs, and increase the facilities of ocean enterprise. 

2. Mr. Edison. — The inventions claiming to realize the 
best results in this direction are very numerous and con- 
stantly accumulating. Acknowledging, as do all men of 
science, the practicability of the thing when applied on a 
large scale, and especially out of doors, the chief im- 
portance has seemed to be in application to indoor service. 
That this was accomplished by Prof. Farmer, in his home 
m Salem, Mass., in 1859, is abundantly demonstrated. To 
realize this object conveniently, agreeably, abundantly and 
inexpensively, many contrivances have been brought for- 



134 



INVENTION OF THE ELECTRIC LIGHT. 




Use of Electric Lights on Warships. 

ward, foremost among which may be said to be those due 
to the vvonder-vvdrkiiig brain of Mr. Edison. 

3. Electric Illumination. — Already in this country and 
in Europe the various arrangements of electric illumina- 
tion which have seemed the most practicable have been put 
into operation, with the highest degrees of success, and in the 
case of large enclosures or areas, there appears to be no 
doubt as to its superiority. 

4. Electric Power.— The street cars moved by electric 
power have superior advantages over every other system. 
Electricity will soon run most of the city elevators and no 
doubt to a large extent displace the steam engine in the 
factory. The time is liable to be very near when all the pas- 
senger traffic will be transferred to the electric railway and 
only heavy freight carried upon our present railroads. 




THOMAS A. EDISON. 
The Greatest Inventor of the Age. 



^ 



135 



136 



TYPESETTING MACHINES. 



Typesetting flachines. 

Although printing in some form was known to the an- 
cients, it was left to the present century to invent the 
modern machinery, without which it would now seem im- 
possible to get along. 

Type-setting machines were invented as early as 1822, 
but the defects of these early machines were too many and 
too great to permit a general use of the same. 

Within recent years composing machines have been 
constructed that have overcome the difficulties of the earlier 
machines. These machines, of latest invention, are being 
introduced everywhere in large printing establishments. 




TYPE SETTING MACHINE. 



DISCOVERY OF THE TELEPHONE. 137 

Discovery of the Telephone. 

1. Prof. A. G. Bell.— We coniC now to the telephone, the 
patent for which wonderful device was taken out at Wash- 
ington, in March, 1876, by Prof. A. G. Bell, affording fresh 
evidence of the versatility of American inventive genius. 
Though habitually sensitive to the honor and claims in this 
direction of its own countrymen, the London Westminster 
Review frankly admits that, of all modern inventions con- 
nected with the transmission of telegraphic signals, the tele- 
phone has deservedly excited the most widespread interest 
and astonishment, an instrument which undertakes not only 
to convey intelligible signals to great distances without the 
use of a battery, but to transmit in fac-simile the tones of 
the human voice so that the latter shall as certainly be 
recognized when heard over a distance of hundreds of miles 
as if^the owner were speaking to a friend at his side in the 
same room. The telephone— as the tens of thousands now 
in use show — does all this. 

2. Marvelous Little Apparatus. — This marvelous little 
apparatus produces, as already remarked, cheap and instan- 
taneous articulate communication, that is, by direct sound, 
neither battery nor moving machinery, nor skill being 
required but merely the voice of ordinary conversation and 
attentive listening. It conveys the quality of the voice, so 
that the tone of the person speaking can be recognized at 
the other end of the line; it enables the manufacturer to talk 
with his factory superintendent, and the physician with his 
patient; establishes instantaneous intercourse between the 
main and the branch office, the home and the store, the 
country residence and the stable or any part of the grounds, 
the mouth of the mine and its remotest workings, in fact, 
between any two points miles apart. 



Story of the Typewriter. 

I. Ancient. — Typewriting history may be divided into 
two distmct eras— ancient and modern, theoretical and 
practical. January 17, 1714, Mr. Henry Mill, of England, 
was granted a patent for a machine, but it was rude and 
clumsy and led to no practical result. To the next inven- 
tion in the typewriter line, America is entitled. In 1829 
William A. Burt, the inventor of the solar compass, was 
granted a patent for a writing machine called the "Typog- 
rapher." The next patent was granted a Frenchman of 
Marseilles. This was called a Kryptographic machine. 



138 



STORY OF THE TYPEWRITER. 




French Typewriter of 1833. 



2. Modern.— The Remington Typewriter, invented in 
1867, was the first of modern machines. The first ten years 
were spent in seeking to set aside the prejudice against the 
new mvention. Smce then progress has been so rapid that 
today the typewriter is indispensable in all lines of business 
and all occupations where considerable writing is required. 




New Remington Typewriter. 



THE X RAYS. 139 



The X Rays. 



1. Discovery. — The X Rays are so called for want of a 
better name — X standing for the unknown quantity in 
mathematical science. It is seldom that a discovery in 
science excites so wide an interest of not only scientists, but 
also those engaged with other pursuits. Since their dis- 
covery by Prof. Roentgen of Wurtzburg, Germany, in 
pecember, 1895, interest as to the possibilities of the prac- 
tical application to surgery has been unabated. Prof. 
Roentgen followed in the path of Crookes, Hertz and Len- 
ard, who by their arduous labors have brought to the notice 
of the world the subject of cathode rays, one of the most 
important in electricity. 

2. Definition. — Briefly defined, they are rays produced 
by electricity in a peculiar manner in a vacuum. If two 
electrified wires are placed in an air-tight glass tube, and 
this connected with an efficient air-pump, it will be found 
that, as the air is gradually withdrawn from the tube, the 
character of the spark produced by contact of the wires un- 
dergoes a striking change. "The narrow, tortuous, thread- 
like spark lo-es its definite outline, becomes enlarged, hazy 
in structure, and takes on a rosy purple tint." It continues 
to become more and more nebulous in appearance as ex« 
haustion proceeds, and when the pressure within has been 
reduced to about one-hundreth of that of the ordinary at- 
mosphere, the luminous haze fills the entire tube. But 
before this result has been reached the discharge at the 
negative pole, or cathode, has begun to show its individu- 
ality, its light flowing backward, so as to form an envelope 
around the wire, and as exhaustion proceeds, it becomes 
quite independent of the position of the positive wire, or 
anode, and extends outward in every direction, showing a 
characteristic bluish light. These vacuum tubes had been 
made for some time by German physicists and experimen- 
ters in electricity, and the striking individuality of the 
cathode ray was noted long before its remarkable possibili- 
ties were dreamed of. 

3. Crookes' Discovery. — Mr. Crookes, a British scien- 
tist, experimented with the mercury air-pump until he re- 
duced the pressure within the glass to no more than a few 
millionths of an atmosphere. This gave especial opportu- 
nity for the study of the cathode ray, and this study was 
pushed forward by scientists, particularly in Germany. 

4. Lenard's Work.— The work of Phillip Lenard, at the 
University of Bonn, in 1894 and 1895, contained the origin 
of later discoveries concerning the remarkable photographic 



140 



THE X RAYS. 



power of the cathode ray. He employed the device of mak- 
ing a window in the vacuum tube, closed with a thin sheet 
of aluminum. The metal is pervious to the rays, and thus 
he was able to obtain them for the first time outside of the 
tube, and to experiment with them. He found that they 
penetrated many substances, even when opaque to light, 
and he obtained photographic pictures with ihem, taken 
through sheets of aluminum. Lenard published the first 
account of his experiments in Januarv. 1894, and a descrip- 
tion of later discoveries in October, 1895. 

5. Roentgen's Further Discovery. — Professor Roent- 
gen followed in the line of experiments indicated by I.e« 
nax«, and, as his account was the first to attract public 




SKELETON OF FROG. 

attention, the credit of original discovery was prcn bim. 
His account of his experiments, which was published in the 
Journal of the Physical and Medical Society of Wartburg, 



THE X RAYS. 141 

Germany, in the latter part of 1895, was admirably concise 
and lucid. He had proved the remarkable power of the 
rays to produce effects upon the photographic plate, after 
having passed through substances opaque to light, thus re- 
vealing the hidden structure of the substance. He had 
found It possible to obtain pictures of various parts of the 
human body, which showed the bones distinctly in their 
proper form amid the fainter image of the fleshy parts. 
These, with other results, opened a field so rich in possible 
results that they aroused the most intense interest through- 
out the civilized world. 

6. Practical Use in Pathology and Surgery. — The prac- 
tical use of the new discovery to benetit suffering humanity 
cannot yet be accurately stated, but its importance in med- 
ical practice can hardly be overestimated. While many of 
the supposed possibilities may be visionary, it is safe to say, 
"First: That deformities, injuries, and diseases of bone cau 
be readily and accurately diagnosticated by the X Rays; 
but that the method at present is limited in its use to the 
thinner parts of the body, especially to the hands, forearms^ 
and feet. 

"Second: That foreign bodies which are opaque to ine 
rays, such as needles, bullets, and glass can be accurately 
located and their removal facilitated by this means. 

"Third: That at present the internal organs are not 
accessible to examination by the X-rays because of the 
thickness of the body, and because some of the parts are 
enclosed in more or less complex bony cases." 

It is hoped that with a better knowledge of the nature 
of the r^ys, and greater ability to make them more effec- 
tive, many obstacles will be overcome which will make 
them much more widely useful than at present. 

7, Humorous Inquiries. — The humorists are still manu- 
facturing gayety out of the X rays, and most of the fun 
evolved is as light and inappreciable as the mysterious rays 
themselves. Here, however, are a couple of good ones. 

Anxious Mother (to the X-ray doctor): — "Oh, doctor, we 
missed one of our silver spoons, and, as baby has been very 
cross all day, we want you to look through him and see if he 
has it in him 1" — ' 

Grandma: — "You'll hardly think it possible, but I can 
remember the time when people couldn't see through a 
stone wall at all!" Little Granddaughter: — "Couldn't 
they, really ? What stranjre stories you do tell, grandma !" 

Some time ago, Mr. Edison received at his laboratory 
the hollow eye-pieces of a pair of opera-glasses, with the 
request that he " fit them with the X-rays " and return them 
to the Vermont sender. Evidently the Green Mountain 
individual had a desire to see things. 



CHAPTER IV. 

OUR GOVERNMENT. 

State Papers The Declaration of 
Independence. 

As Adopted by Congress. When, iu the course of baraan eveat^, 
it becomt's neet'S.sary for one people to dibsolvo the jiolitical bands 
which havo eoiiuectod thein with auother, aud to assume, ainout; the 
Howers of the eartli, the separate and equal station to wliich the laws 
of aaturo and of nature's God entitles them, a di-ceut respect to the 
•pinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes 
which impel them to the separation. 

Wo hold these truths to be self-evident— that all men are created 
eqnai; tliat they are endowed by theirlTeatorwith certaiu inalienable 
rights; that amoug tliese are life, liberty and tlio pursuit of happi- 
Boss. That, to secure tlieso ris^lits, governments are instituted among 
men, deriving tlieir just powers from the consent of the 1,'overned; 
fliat, whenever any form of government becomes destructiTe of these 
ends, it is the rigiit of the people to alter'or abolisii it, aud to insti- 
tute a now government, laying its foundation on such principles, and 
organizing its powers in sucli form as to them shall seem most likely 
to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate 
that governments long establi.-hecl should not bo changed for light 
and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that 
Hien are more disposed to sutTer, while evils are snfferable, than to 
right tiiemselves by abolishing tlie forms to wliich they are accus- 
tomed. But wlien a long train of abuses aud usurpations, pursuing 
invariably the same object, evinces a desire to reduco tliem under 
absolute despotism, it is their riglit, it is their duty, to throw off such 
government, and to provide new guards for their future security. 
Such has been the patient siifferanco of these colonists; and such is 
BOW the necessity which c(mstrain8 them to alter thoir former systems 
•f government. The history of the i)resent King of Great Britain is a 
history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having lu direct 
object the establisiiment of an absolute tyranny over these statee. To 
prove this, h-t facts bo submitted to a candid world. 

1. He has refused his assent to laws the most whole- 
some and necessary for the public good. 

2. He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of im- 
mediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their 
operations till his assent should be obtained; and. when so 
suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them. 

a. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommo- 
dation of large districts of people, unless these people would 
relinquish the right of represtiilation in the Legislature— a 
right mestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 

142 



144 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

4. He has called together legislative bodies at places 
unusual, uncomfortable and distant from the repository 
of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
them into compliance with his measures. 

5. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly 
for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the 
rights of the people. 

6. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolu- 
tions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative 
powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the 
people at large for their exercise, the state remaining in the 
meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from with- 
out and convulsions within. 

7. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
states, for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturali- 
zation of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage 
their migration hither, and raising the condition of new 
appropriations of lands. 

8. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by 
refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

9. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for 
the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment 
of their salaries. 

10. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent 
hither swarms of officers, to harrass our people and eat out 
their substance. 

11. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing 
armies, without the consent of our legislatures. 

12. He has affected to render the military independent 
of, and superior to, the civil power. 

18. He has combined with others to subject us to a 
jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions and unacknowledged 
by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended 
legislation. 

14. Por quartering large bodies of armed troops among 

us. f • L 

15. For protecting them, by mock trial, from punish- 
ment for any murders which they should commit on the in- 
habitants of these states. 

16. For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world, 

17. For imposing taxes on us without our consent. 

18. For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of 
trial by jury. 

19. For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pre- 
tended offenses. 

20. For abolishing the free system of English laws m a 
neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary gov- 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

ernment and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at 
once an example and fit instrument for introducing the 
same absolute rule into these colonies. 

21. For taking away our charters, abolishing our most 
valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our 
governments. 

22. For suspending our own legislatures and declaring 
themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all 
cases whatsoever. 

23. He has abdicated government here by declaring us 
out of his protecion and waging war against us. 

24. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, 
burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 

25. He is at this time transporting large armies of for- 
eign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desola- 
tion, and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cru- 
elty and perfidy scarcely pai-alleled in the most barbarous 
ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

26. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken cap- 
tive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to 
become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to 
fall themselves by their hands. 

27. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, 
and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- 
tiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of 
warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, 
and conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned 
for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions 
have been answered only by repeated injury. A prmce 
whose character is thus marked by every act which may 
define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British 
brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of 
attempts by their Legislature to extend an unwarrantable 
jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the cir- 
cumstances of our immigration and settlement here. We 
have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity and 
we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred, 
to disavow th^'se usurpations, which would inevitably inter- 
rupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have 
been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We 
must, therefore, acquiesce m the necessity which denounces 
our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of man- 
kind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. ■ "■ 

We therefore, the representatives of the Unity. \ States 
of America, in general Congress assembled, app^^'ling to 



146 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority, of the good 
people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that 
these United Colonies arc, and of right, ought to be free 
and independent States; that they are absolved from all 
allegiance to the British crown and that all political connec- 
tion between them and the State of Great Britain is, and 
ought tobe, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independ- 
ent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, 
contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts 
and things which independent States may of right do. And 
tor the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on 
the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge 
to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor 




AMERIGO VESPUCCI, 

The man who visited America in 1499 and after whom 
the continent was named- 



THE CONSTITUTION. 



147 




•V "i^v 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 

One of the leading spirits in framing the Constitution of 
the United States. 



Constitution of the United States of 

America. 



PREAMBLE. 

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a 
more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic 
Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the 
general Welfare, and secure the Blessmgs of Liberty to 
ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this 
Constitution for the United States of America: 

ARTICLE I. 

THE LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. 

Section 1. Legislative Powers- All Legislative Powers herein 
granted shall bo vested in a Congress of the United States, which ehall 
consist of a Senate and House of Eepresentatives. 



148 THE CONSTITUTION. 

Section 2. House of Representatives.— The Honseof Represen- 
tatives hhall be cuiiipos.'d of uieuitx-rs clio.-en everj' wnrond year by the 
People of tliH scventl States, and tlie Electors in eacli .St<it« ghallhave 
the <|ualificar ions re<iuisite for Electors of the most nomerooB Branch 
of the State LPKishiture. 

Qualifications of Representatives.— No Person ehalJ be a Rep- 
reeentative who wliall not haye attained to the ape of twenty-five years, 
and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, 
when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he ehaJl be 
chosPD. 

Appointment of Representatives.— Representatives and direct 
taxes shall be apportioned amoni,' the several States, which may be 
included within this Union, according to their rosi^Kitive numbers, 
which t-hall be determined by addiuK to whole number of free per" 
eons including those bound to service for a term of years and, esclad- 
ing Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. 

Number of Representatives.- The actual enameration shall be 
made within three years after the tirst meeting of the Congress of the 
United States, and within every sabsequent term of ten years, in such 
manner as they shall by law direct. The number t>f representatives 
shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each Stat^ ^hall 
have at least one Representative, and until such enumeration shall be 
made, tlie State of New Hampshire sliall be entitled to choose three, 
MaRsachosetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, 
(V)nnecticnt five. New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, 
Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five. South 
Car<ilina five and (Georgia three. 

Vacancies.— When vacancies happen in the reprepentation from 
any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to 
fill such vacancies. 

Officers, How Appointed.— The House of Representatives shall 
choose their Speaker and their otficers; and shall have the sole power of 
impeachment. 

Section 3. Senate.— The Senate of the United States shall be 
composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature 
thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. 

Classification of Senators.— Immediately after they shall be as- 
sembled in consetiuence at the first election, they shall be divided as 
equally as may bo into three classes. The seats of the Senators »if the 
first chiss shall be vacate<l at the expiration of the second year, of the 
second class at the expiration of the fourth, year, and of the third class 
at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be ciiosen ev- 
ery second year; and if vacancies hai^pen by resignation or otherwise, 
during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Ext»oativethpriY>t 
may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Leg- 
islature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

Qualifications of Senators.— No person shall be a Senator who 
shall have not attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a 
citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, bo an in- 
habitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. 

President of the Senate.— The Vice-President of the United 
States shall he President of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless 
they lie equally divided. 

The Senate sliall choose their other ofBceri, and also a President 
pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall 
exorcise t he otKce of President of the United .States. 

Senate, a Court for Tria.1 of Impeachments.- The Senate shall 
have the sole Power to tTT all inipeacliments. When sitting for that 
purpose they sliall be on oath or iithrniat ion. When the President of 
the United State is tried the Chief Justice shall i)resi(le, and no per- 
son shall be convicted without the concurrence uf twu-thirds of the 
members present. i 



THE CONSTITUTION. 149 

JudgmSiit in Case of Conviction.— Jndgmpnt in cases of im- 

peacliiiieut sliaJl not extend further thau to removal from office and 
disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of lienor, trust or profit 
under the United States. But the party convicted shall nevertheless 
be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment 
according to law. 

Section 4. Elections of Senators and Kepresentatives.— The 
times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Repre- 
sentatives shall be nrescribed in each State by the Legislature ther«)f ; 
but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regola- 
tione. except as to the places of choosing Senators. 

Meeting of Congress.— The Congress shall assemble at least once 
in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in Decem- 
ber, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. 

Section 6. Organizationof Congress.— Each House shall be the 
judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, 
and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ;_ but a 
smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized t» 
compel the attendance of absent members in such manner, and under 
eoch penalties, as each House may provide. 

Rule of Proceeding.— Each House may determine the rules of its 
proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and witk tho 
concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 

Journal of Congress.— Each House shall keep a journal of its pro. 
ceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parto 
as may in their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the 
members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one-fiftk 
of those present, be entered on the journal. 

Adjournment of Congress.— Neither House, during the session 
of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more 
than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two 
Houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. Pay and Privileges of Members.— The senators and 
representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be 
ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. 
They shall, in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, 
be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their 
respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and 
for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned 
in any other place. . , ^, o. . r. ,. ^^ 

Plurality of Offices Prohibited.— No Senator or Representative 
fehall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any 
civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have 
been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, 
during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United 
States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in 

office. . ,, . . . v la 

Section 7. Revenue Bills.— All bills for raising revenue shall 
originate in the House of Representatives, but the Senate may propose 
or concur with amendments as on other bills. 

How Bills Become Law.— Every bill which shall have passed the 
House of li(!prew>ntatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a 
law, be presented to the President of the United States. If he approve 
he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that 
House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections 
at largo on their journals and proceed to reconsider it. If after such 
reconsideration two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it 
shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which 
it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that 
Honse it shall become a law. But in all such cases thevot^of both 
Houses sliall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the per- 
sons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of 
each House r<56pectively. If any bill shall not be returned by tJi« Presi- 



150 



THE CONSTITUTION. 




JOHN JAY, 
First Chief Justice. 



dent within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it phnll have been pr^ 
Bsntetl to him, the sjime shall be a Jaw, in like manner aaif ho had 
eipnod it, unless iIkm oucresa by tlieir adjoarnment prevent its return, 
in whicli ca o it shall not be n law. 

Approval and Veto Powers of the President.— Every order, 
resolutidn or vot<> t > which concurrence of the 8onate and llouseof 
Representatives may bo necessary (except on a question of adjonrn- 
ment) shall be presented to the President of the United States, and b^ 
fore the «ime shall tike effect ; shall be approved by him,^ or beins dis- 
approved by him, shall be reuassed by two-tiiirds of the Senate and the 
Honse of Hepresentatives, according to tlie rules and limitations pre- 
Bcrih<'d in the ca>;« of a bill. 

Section 8. t'owers Vested in Congress.— The Congress shall 
kaTe tx>wert 



THE CONSTITUTION. 

To lay and collect taxes, dutK's. imposts and excises, to pay the 
debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the 
United States; bnt all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform 
thronghont the United States. 

To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 
To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several 
states and with the Indian tribes ; 

To establii^h an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws 
on the subject of bankruptcies throughout tlie United States ; 

To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and 
fix the standard of weights and measures; 

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and 
current coin of the United States ; 

To establish post offices and post roads ; 

To promote the progress of science, and useful arts, by securing for 
iimited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their re- 
spective writings and discoveries ; 

To constitute tribunals inferior to the eupreme court ; 
To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high 
seas, and offences against the Law of Nations ; 

To declare -war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make 
irules coniH rning captures on land and water ; 

To raise ami support armies, but no appropriation of money to that 
use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 

Powers Vested in Congress.— To provide and maintain a navy ; 
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and 
naval forces ; 

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of 
the Union, suppress insurrection and repel invasions; 

To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and 
for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of 
the United States, reserving to the States, respectively, the appointment 
of tlie officers and the authority of training the militia according to 
the discipline prtscribed by Congress; 

To e."^ercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over 
such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of 
particular States and thf acceptance of Congress, becimio the seat of 
the Government of the United States, aud to exercihe like authority 
over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State 
in which the same siiall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, 
arsenals, dfick ynrds and other needful buildings : and 

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying 
into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this 
constitution in the GoVernment of the United States or in any depart- 
ment or officer thei eof. 

Section 9. Immigrants, How Admitted.— The migration or 
importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall 
think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the ("ongrests prior to 
the year one thonsHud eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty maybe 
imposefl on such importation, not exceedingten dollars foreach person. 
Habeas Corpus. -The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall 
not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the 
public safety may require it. 

Attainder.— No Bill of Attainder or ex-post facto law shall be 

Direct Taxes.— No Capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, 
nnloes in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before 
direr te<l to lie taken. , ,, l , ■ i 

Regulations Regarding Duties.— No tax or duty shall belaid 
On articles exported from any State. 

No preference shall bo given by any regulation of commerce or 
revenue to the porta of one State over those of another ; nor shall 
vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay 
duties in another. 



152 THE CONSTITUTION. 

Money, How Drawn.— No monpy shall be drawn from the treaa. 
cry, but io cout-cqni'iRe of appropriations made bv law ; and n re«tdar 
statement and account of tlie rpceipta and expenditoree of all public 
money shall be published from time to time. 

Titles of Nobility Prohibited.— No title of nobility shall be 
Rranted by the Uuitcd htates; and no person holding any otKco of profit 
or trust under them, shall, ■without the consent of tlie t'ongress, accept 
of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from 
any kins, jirince or forciKn state. 

Section 10. Powers of States Defined.— No State shall enter 
into any treaty, allinnce, or conf«-<l('ration: trnuit letters of marque 
and repriwil; coin money; emit bills of credit; mak-* any thin^ but 
gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pa>s any bill of 
attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligations of con- 
tracts, or grant any title of nobility. 

No State shall, without the consent of the Conpress, lay any imposts 
or duties on imports or exports, except vrhat may be absolutely neceeu 
sary for executing its inspection laws; and the net i>rvidace of all 
duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or ex po.-ts, shall be 
for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all sach laws 
shall be subject to the rpvij^ion and control of the Congress. 

No Stflte shall, without the consent of ("ongress, lay any duty of 
tonnage, keep troop.*, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any 
agreement or compact with another State, or with foreign jv.wer, or en- 
gage in war. unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as 
will not admit of delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

THE EXECUTIVE DEPABTMEXT. 

Section 1. Executive Power, in Whom Invested.— The ex- 
ecutive power shall be vested in a President of th" United States of 
America. He shall hold his office duriutjthe term of four years, and to- 
gether with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as 
follows : 

Electors.-Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legis- 
lature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole 
number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be en- 
titled in the Congress; but no Senator or Reiire.<entative or person 
holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be ap- 
pointed an elector. 

Proceedings of Electors. Proceedings of the House of Repre- 
sentatives.— '1 he electors shall meet in thelrresnective States and vote 
by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not bo an inhabi- 
tant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of 
all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which 
list they shall si en and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the 
government of ilie United States, directed to the President of the 
Senate. The President of the Senate shall in the presence of the Senate 
and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and tlie votes 
shall then be counteil. The person having the greatest number of votes 
shall be tlie President, if such number be a majority of the whole num- 
ber of electors appointed : and if there be more than one who have such 
a majority, and Imvo an equal number of votes, then the Hon.se of 
Representatives shall immetliately choose by ballot one of them for Presi- 
dent: and if no person have a majority, then from tlie five highest on the 
Hst the sail! House shall in like manner rlioose tie- Pre.-ident. But in 
chfKisingthe Presidentthe votes shall be taken by States, the representa- 
tion from each Siat(> having one vote; a (juonini for Uiis purpose shall 
consist of ft nieuilier or nnnnbers from two-thirds of the States, and a 
majnrity of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, 
after the choice of the President, thejiersou h.-iving the greatest number 
of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should 



THE CONSTITUTION. 163 

remain two or more who have eqnal votes, the Senate ehall chooee from 
them by ballot tho Vice-Prosident. 

Time of Choosing Electors.— The Congress may deteraaine the 
time of choosing the electors and tho day on which thfy ehall give their 
votes, whiclj day shall be the same throughout the United Stales. 

Qualifications of the President.— No person except a natural 
born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adop- 
tion of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; 
neither ehall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have 
attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resi- 
dent within the United States. 

Resort in Case of Disability.— In case of removal of the Presi- 
dent from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge 
the powers and duties of the said office, tho same shall devolve on the 
Vice-President, and the Congress may by law prf)vide for the case of 
removal, death, resignation, or inability both of tho President and Vice- 
President, declaring what officer ehall then act as President, and such 
officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a Presi- 
dent shall bo elected. 

Salary of the President.— The President shall, at stated times, re- 
ceive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased 
nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, 
and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from 
the United States, or any of them. 

Oath.— Before ho enter on the execution of his office, he shall 
take the following oath or affirmation : 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the 
office of President of the United States, and will to the best of ability 
preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of tlie United States." 

Section 2. Duties of the President.- The President shall be 
commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and 
of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service 
of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the 
principal officer, in each of the executive departments, upon any sub- 
ject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have 
power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United 
States, except in cases of impeachment. * 

May Make Treaties, Appoint Ambassadors, Judges, etc.— 
He shaU. have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
to make treaties, ijrovided two-tliirds of the Senators present concur; 
and he shall nominate and, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and con- 
euls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United 
States whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and 
which shall be established by law, but the Congress may by law vest the 
appointments of such inferior officers as they think proper, in the 
President alone, in the courts of law. or in the heads of departments. 

May Fill Vacancies.— The President shall have power to fill np 
all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate by grant- 
ing commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. 

Section 3. May Convene Congress.— He shall from time t» 
time give to the Congress information of the stnte of the Union, and 
recommend to their consideration such measures as he ehall judge 
neces'sary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene 
both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between 
them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to 
suchtimc^asheshallthink j)ropor; ho shall receive Ambassadors and 
otherpnblic ministers; ho shall take care that tho laws bo faithfully 
executptl, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. 

Section 4. How Officers May Be Removed.— The President, 
Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States shall be re- 
moved from office on impeachment^ for, and conviction of, tzBasoD, 
bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 



154 



THE CONSTITUTION. 



AETICLE III. 

THE JTDICI.VI. DEPAETMENT. 

Section 1. Judicia.1 Power, How Invested.— The jodicial power 
of tho United Stat, s eiiail be vested in oue supreme court ;:nd in such 
infeiior conrt-jaj the Congress may from time to time ordaia andeetab- 
lish. T!i9 jad':;es, bothof the stipreme and inferior courts, etiall hold 
tlieir otBcos daria? Bood beliavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for 
ther services, a compensation, which shall not be diminibhed during 
their continuance in oliice. 











J^ 



CHIEF JUSTICE FULLER. 



Section 2. To What Cases It Extends.-The judicial power shall 
extend to all cai*es, inlaw and eiiuity. arising under this Tonstitntion, 
the laws of the United States, andtreatiea made, or whicli sliall bo mrnle, 
under their autliority; toall cases aflectinR ambassadors, other public 
ministers, and cimsuls; to nllca^es of adminilty ami maritime juristlic- 
tion ; to controversies to which tlie United States shall be a luirty ; to 
Controversies between two or nmro States ; l>etween a Staleand citizen* 
ef another State ; between citizens of ditten-nL States, between c'tize^ 



THE CONSTITUTION. 156 

of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and 
between a State or the citizens thereof and foreign Slates, citizens, or 
subjects. , ,, „ . . 

Jurisdiction Of the Supreme Court.— In all cases affecting Am- 
bassadors, ottier public miuibters and consuls, and those in ■which a 
State shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdic- 
tion. In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall 
have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and tact, with suchexcep- 
tions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 

Rules Respecting Trials. —The trial of all crimps, except in cases 
of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the 
State where the said crime shall have been committed; but when not 
committed within any State the trial shaU be at such place or places as 
the Congress may by law have directed. 

Section 3. Treason Defined.— Treason against the United States 
shall consist only in levying war against them, or in a^'hering to their 
enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted o{ 
treason unless on the testimony of two wituesse> to the same overt act, 
or on confession in open court. 

How Punished.— The Congress shall have power to declare the 
punishment of treason, but no attainder of treasor shall work cor- 
ruption of blood, or forfeiture except durLag the lifeo^ the person at- 
tainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Section 1. Rights of States and Records.— Full faith and 
credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records and judi- 
cial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general 
laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings 
shall be proved and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. Privileges of Citizens.— The citizens of each State 
shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
several States. 

Executive Requisitions.— A person charged in any State with trea- 
son, felony or other crime who shall flee from justice and may be found 
in another State shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State 
from which he fled, be delivered up to be removed to the State having 
jari=dic;ion of the crime. 

Law Regulating Service or Labor.— No person held to ser- 
vice or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, 
shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
partv to whom such service or labor mny be due. 

Section 3. New States, How Formed and Admitted.— New 
States may be admitted by the Congress into thisL'nion; but no new 
States enall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, 
or parts of States, without the consent of the legislatures of the Stat«fl 
concerned as well as of the Congress. 

Power of Congress.— The Congress shall have Power to dispose of 
and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or 
other property belnnaing to the United States ; and nothing in this ([on- 
stitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United 
States, or of any paiticnlar State. ... mi_ 

Section 4. Republican Government Guaranteed. —The 
United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican 
form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion, 
and on application of the legislature or of the executive (when the 
legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence. 



156 THE CONSTITUTIUK, 

ARTICLE V. 

Power of Amendment.— The ConsreAs, •vr'aenever two-thirds of 
both Housi'8 bltiUl d"t'in it nrK-eBsarj-, ehall nK.f.oiM amendments to this 
OoLiBtitution. or, on tlm application of the If-R'shitures of two thirds of 
tlie several States, shall call a convention for propoeinK amendments, 
'which, in either case, shall be valid to all inft-nfs and purposes, as part 
•€ this ConstitntitJn, when ratified by th&lepislatnres of three-fonrthe 
of the several States, or by conventions in thrre-foarths thereof, 
ea the one or the other mode of ratification may be propoRed by 
Ifae CongrcBS provided that no amendment which may bo made prior to 
theyearone thousand eight huniiretl and eipht Fhall in any manner 
effect the trst and fourth clauses in the ninth section of tlie firstarticle; 
and tliat no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal 
enJSrago in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

Validity of Debts Recognized.— All debts contracted and 
en^gemeuts entered into before the adoption of this ("onstitntion 
eiiail Iks as valid against the United States under this Constitation, as 
MKler the Confederation. 

Supreme Law of the Land Defined.— This Constitntion, and 
the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, 
and nil treaties made, or which shall be made, nuderUie authority of 
Iho United States, shall be the supreme law of the Land; and the 
indues in every State shall be bound thereby, aiiytliing in the C'onsti- 
tatioa of Laws of any State to the contrary notwithsUmdinp. 

Oath; of Whom Required and for What.— The Senators and 
Representatives before nieutioned, and the members of the several 
BtateLegislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the 
United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or 
aflirmation, to support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall 
ever bo required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the 
United States. 

ARTICLE Vn. 

Ratification.— The ratification of the convention of nine Btates 
eka}l b(!sullicient for the establishment of this Constitution between 
tfas States so ratifying the same. 

AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

Article I. Religion, Free Speech, Redress for Grievances.— 
Con».'ress .'■hall make no law respecting an e.staljli.-hnient of religion, or 
prohibiting the free exorcise thereof ; or abriiigmg the freedom of speech 
•r of the press ; or tli« right of the people peaceably to as^mb^e, and to 
petition tliH government for a redress of grievances. 

Article II. Bearing Arms.— .V well-regulated militia being neces- 
sary to tiie security of a free Slate, the right of the people to keep and 
k^r arms i^hall not be infringed. ... . 

Article III. Soldiery.- No soldier shall, in time of peace, be 
i|narf<Me<l in any house without the consent if the owner, nor in time of 
■war, hut in a manner to bo orescrihed by law. 

Article IV. Right of Search.— The right of the people to be 
secure in their persons, houses, iiapers,Ri\d effects against unreasonable 
sejirehes and seizures shall not be violated, and no warrants sliall issue 
but npon probable cause, supportetl by oath or affirmation, and par- 
ticularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things 
to bo seized. .. », l n i. 

Article V. Capital and Criminal Arrest.— No person shall be 
held to answer for a capital, or ot her iiifiuuous crime. unJess on a pre. 



THE CONSTITUTION. 157 

sfintment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arisiag in the 
land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time 
of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the anrnQ 
offense to be twic put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall he be com- 
pelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be de- 
prived of life, liberty, or property, without due processof law ; norBhall 
private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. 

Article VI. Right of Speedy Trial.— In all criminal pro8e:«ti«iB 
the accused shall enjt>y the right to a speedy and public trial, by an im- 
partial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have beca 
committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by 
law, and to be informed of the natureand cause of the accusation; 
to be confronted with the witnesses against him : to have compolsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assifitanoe 
of counsel for his defence. 

Article VII. Trial by Jury.— In snits at common law, where the 
value in controversy shall exceed $20, the right of trial by jury shall be 
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in 
any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the com- 
mon law. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

Excessive Bail.— Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excess- 
ive fines be imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 

Enumeration of Rights.— The enumeration in the Constitntion 
of certain rights, slmil not be construed to deny or disparage others 
retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 

State Rights.- The powers not delegated to the United States by 
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the 
States respectively, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XI. 

Judicial Power.- The judicial power of the United States shall 
not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or 
prosecuted against one of the United States, by citizens of another state, 
or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. 

ARTICLE XII. 

Electors in Presidential Elections.— The electors shall meet in 
their respective States and vote by ballot for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, one of whom, at least, sliall not be an inhabitant of the same State 
with themselves; they shall name in their ballot the person voted for as 
President, and in di^tinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-Presi- 
dent, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as Presi- 
dent, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number 
of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certifj', and transmit 
sealed to the seat of the governmentof the United States, directed to the 
President of the Senate. The Pre«ident of the Senate shall, in the pres- 
ence of the Senate and House of Kepresfntatives, open all the certificates 
and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest 
number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be 
a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person 
have such majority, then from the persons having the highest nnmbers 
not exceeding three on the last of those voted for as President, the 
House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot thn Pres- 
ident. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, 
the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this 

11 



158 THE CONSTITUTION. 

purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the 
States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
And if thelloubc of Representatives shall not choosea President, when- 
ever the riglit of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day 
of March next followiiip. then the Vice-President shall act as President, 
as in the case of tlie death or otherconstituti<.nnldibability of the Pres- 
ident. The person having the greatest nnmber of votesas Vice-Presi- 
dent shall be tlic Vice-President, if snch number be a majority of the 
■wholi> number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, 
then from the two highest numbers on the list, tlie Senate shall choose 
the Vico-Presidint ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two- 
thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole 
number shall be necpssary to a choice. But no person constitutionally 
ineligible to to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice' 
President of the United States. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

1. Slavery Forbidden.— Neither slavery nor involuntary servi- 
tude, except as a iiuniblimunt for crime whffeof the party shall have 
been duly convicted, siiall exist within the United States or anyplace 
enbject to their jurisdiction. 

2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate 
legislation. 

ARTICLE XIV. 

1. Equal Protection.— All persons born or naturalized in the 
United Stiites aud subjt-ct to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizeus of 
the United States and of the State wherein they resi<ie. No State shall 
make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immuni- 
ties of citizens of the United Slates; nor shall any State deprive any 
I)erson of life, liberty or property, without due proctss of law, nor deny 
to ouy person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

2. Appointment of Representatives.- liepresentatives shall 
be apportioned amontr the several Slates according to their respective 
nunil>ers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, ex- 
cluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election 
for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the 
United States. Representatives in Congress, the execntive and judicial 
officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied 
to any of the male members of such State, being of twenty-one years 
of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, ex- 
cept for partiripation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of represen- 
tation therein shall be reduced in tiie proportion which the number of 
such male citizen.-^ shall bear to the whole number of male citiiens 
twenty-one years of agp in such State. 

3. Public OfBcial Debarred.— No person shall be a senator or 
Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, 
or holding any office, civil or military, under the United States, or 
under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of 
('ongress oras an officer of the United States, or ns a member of any 
St*te LegisJat nre, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to 
support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in 
insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to 
the enemiefi thereof. But Congress may. by a vote of two-thirds of each 
House, remove such disahilitv. 

4. Public Debt Responsibility. —The validity of the public 
debt of the United States anthorizMl by law, including debts incurred 
for payment of oi-nsions and bountiesfor services in suppressing insur- 
rection or rebellion, shall not be (jnestioned. But neither the United 
States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred 
in aid of insurrection or rebellion against tlie United States, or any 



THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, 15J< 

claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, 
obligations, and claims i^liall bo held illegal and void. 

5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legis- 
lation, the provisions of this article. 

AETiCLE XV. 

1. Right of Sufifrage.— The right of the citizens of the United 
Staters to vt)to shall not ho denied or abridged by the Unitbd States or by 
any State on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. 

2. Tlie Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of 
this article by appropriate legislation. 



Emancipation Proclamation by Presi- 
dent Lincoln, January i, 1863J 



* 



Whereas, On tlie twenty-second day of September, in the year of 
onr Lord one tliousaud eit-'ht hundred and siyty-two a proclamation 
was issued by the President of the United States. coiitHiuing among 
other thiut'S the following, to-wit : "That on the first day of January, 
in the year of our L'-rd one t'lousaml eight hundred and sizty-three, 
all persons hel'f as ^laves within any state. f>i- deaigua ted part of the 
state, the peoi,le whereof shall be in rebellion against the Dnited 
States, shall be then, tlieu'-eforward, and forever free ; and the execu- 
tive government of the United States, including thf/ military and 
naval authority thereof, will recognize and maiitain fho Ireedom of 
such persons, antl will do no act or acts to repress such persons or any 
of them in any efforts they may make for their actunl freedom; that 
the executive will, on the first day of January aforcsiiid, by proclama- 
tion, designate the states, and parts of the states, if any, in which the 
people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rel;ellion ag 'inst the 
United States; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof, shall 
on that day be in good faith repres-ented in the ( ongress of 
the United States by the members chosen tl ereto at ejections 
wherein a majerity of the qualified voters of kicIi states sliall 
have participHted, shall, in the absence of strong rMninter-vailing tes- 
timony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such p\ate, and the people 
thereof be not then in rebellion against thn United i^t les." 

Now, therefore,!, Abraham Lincoln, PresideLt of tii. Cnited States. by 
the virtue of the power in me vested ascommander-m-chief of the aruiy 



♦The tendency of the government of the people of the United 
States toward liberal sentiments and the general welfare of man is 
shown by the legislation, considered as a whole, of ( dngress and of the 
United States, but by no act more conspicuou.sly than by the abolition 
of the slavery in tlie United States. Slavery was a' olished t>y the 
thirteenth nmendmi nt to the constitution, but pr'limiiary t> the 
amendment was the Emancipation Proclamation, written and issued 
by President Lincoln. 



160 DEPARTMENTS OF OUR GOVERNMENT. 

and navy of the United States in the time of actnal armed rebellion 
against the autliority and Kovemment of the United States, and as a fit 
and nece»isary war-mca.-^ure for suppressing said ri'bellion, do, ou thia 
first day of January, in tlie year nf our Lord iiuo thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose eo to do, 
publicly proclaimed for the fall period of one hundred days from the 
day lirnt above mentioned, order and designate as the states and part 
of states, wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in re- 
bellion against the United States, the following, to-wit : Arkansas, 
Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of 8t. Bernard, Plaquemines, 
JofForson, 8t. Jolin, St. Charles, Bt. James, Ascension, Assumption, 
Tcrre-Bonno, Lafourche, Ste. Marie, St. Martin, and Orle.ins, includ- 
ing the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, 
South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eielit 
counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berk- 
ley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anna, and 
Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmonth), and which 
excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclaniation 
were not issued. And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose 
aforesaid, I do order and declare, that all persons held as slaves within 
Baid designated states and parts of states are, and henceforth shall 
be free; and that the executive govornmentof the United States, in- 
cluding the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and 
maintiiin tlie freecU)m of said persons. And I liereby enjoin upon the 
people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in 
necessary self-tlefense ; and I recommend to them, that in all 
cases, when alloweii, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 
And I further declare and make known, that such persons, of suitable 
condition, will be received into the armed service of the United 
States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, antl to 
man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely 
believed to bo an act of justice, w.Trrnnted by the constitution upon 
military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and 
the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

In testimony wliereof I have hereunto set my name, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be aliixed. Done at the City of Washing- 
ton this first day of January, in the year of <)ur Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United 
States the eighty-sovonth. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
By the President. 

William H. Steward, 

Secretary of State. 



Departments of Our Government. 

1. Three Departments. — The United States is the most 
extensive and puuertul republic in the world. The j^^eneral 
government as well as the respective state governments are 
republican and representative in form. There are three dis- 
tinct departments in each — Legislative, Executive, Judicial. 

2. The Legislative Department, — The Legislative de- 




MASSA SAYS WE'RE FREE." 



161 



162 HOW BILLS ARE PASSED AND LAWS MADE. 

partment or Congress consists of two distinct bodies — the 
Senate- and the House of Representatives. Laws are enacted 
by the con. urrrent action of both these houses, and the 
approval of the President, by signing his name to them. 
When a bill has passed both houses of Congress, and been 
presented to the President for his signaune. if he does not 
approve it, he may send it back to the House m which it 
originated, wi'h his objections. After this, if boh Houses 
pass the bill, by a two-th rds vote, it becomes a law without 
the signature of the President. If any bill is not re'urned 
by the President within ten days (Sumiays excepted) after 
being presented to him, it becomes a law without his signa- 
ture, unless Congress has sooner adjourne 1. 

3. The Executive Department.— The Executive Depart- 
ment con'ists of the President and his c .bmet, appointed 
by him with the approval of the Senate, numbering eight, 
one beiig at the head of each of the foil. -win/ departments 
of the gMvernment : The state, treasury, war, navy, post- 
office, justice, interior, and agriculture. 

4. The Judicial Department.— The Judicial Department 
consists of the supreme court and the inferior courts. The 
former is composed of one chief justice, and eight associate 
justices. It is the tribunal in the nation, and its decisions 
are intended to construe the true intent and meaning of 
the laws of the land, and to decide appeals from inferior 
courts. 



How Bills are Passed and Laws Made 
in Congress. 

I. The Framers of the Constitution.— Most of the 
framers of the Constitution were elected members of the 
first Congress. Their wisdom and patriotism did not desert 
them, and every bill that became a law was the subject of 
active debate by all. To prevent the hasty consideration of 
any measure, rules were adopted by the House of Repre- 
sentatives and the Senate, but while it is true that many of 



HOW BILLS ARE PASSED AND LAWS MADE, 



168 




ADLAI STEVENSON, 
Vice-President 1893-97. 



these early rules still remain in the manual of each Ho«se, 
their force has been lost in the needs and demands of in- 
creased legislation. It is seldom, indeed, that a bill is 
deemed important enough to arouse general debate, an<i 
frequently bills are rushed through Congress which have 
been hastily considered and are possessed of little merit. 

2. Over Fifteen Thousand Bills. — In the Fifty-secoad 
Cong.ess there were over fifteen thousand bills introduced 
in the Senate and House. They were referred, as they were 
in the earlier Congresses, to the proper committees. Fho*- 
sands of them were considered by these committees, and 
reported back to their respective Houses either favorably 



164 HOW BILLS ARE PASSED AND LAWS MADE. 

or unfavorably, and hundreds of them were passed, but of 
the whole number introduced only a small percentage 
became laws. 

3. The Course of a Bill Through Congress is most in- 
teresting. Take, for instance, a private bill that has had its 
origin in the Senate (and for the purpose of illustration the 
Senate will do as well as the House, for in both of these 
bodies the system is practically the same). A private bill 
is, as the term indicates, for the relief of some individual, 
while a general or "public" measure is far-reaching in its 
effect. In nine cases out of ten the senator who introduces 
a private bill is solicited to do so by one of his constituents 
who wants a pension, or who desires the charge of deser- 
tion removed from his military record, or who has a claim 
against the government of some kind or the other. The 
bill may or may not be properly draughted, but whether it 
is or not, it is usually introduced by the senator without 
careful consideration. 

4. The First Reading of the Bill. — There is a legend 
printed on the bill that the senaior tirst asked and obtained 
consent to introduce the bill; but, in fact, the senator does 
nothing of the kind. He rises in his place during the morn- 
ing hour, when the introduction of bills is in order, and 
simply reads the title of the bill and askes that it be re- 
ferred to the proper committee. The title of the bill is 
then read by the reading clerk, and the reference is made 
in a perfunctory way by the President of the Senate. That 
is called the tirst reading of the bill. It is true that an ob- 
jection might be raised to the first reading of the bill, but 
that has not been done for years, if, in fact, it was ever done. 

5. Introducing the Bill by Request. — It is not diflicult 
to get a bill introduced. If the senator or representative 
does not care to be responsible for it, he states that he intro- 
duces the bill by request, and it is so printed. There are 
many people, ignorant of the course of legislation, who 
believe that the mere introdu'Uion of the bill insures its 
passage, and it is a lamentable fact that there are senators 
and representatives who give fj. Ise hoi)e to their constitu- 
ents by simply introducing the measure, sending a copy of 
it to the claimant, and then dismissing the whole matter 
from their minds. 

6. The Life of a Bill terminates with the Congress in 
which it was introduced, ami it is customary with some to 
reintroduce in the new Congress all of the old bills which 
were not favorably acted upon. In the Fifty-Second Con- 
gress one senator from a middle state, probably through the 
zeal of his private secretary, introduced an old bill four 




AN EXCITING SCENE IN CONGRESS. 

u 165 



HOW BILLS ARE PAS3£D AND LAWS MADE. 

times. In each case the bill was referred to the same com- 
mittee and was exactly for the same relief. 

7. The Old Bill is usually accompanied by a mass of 
papers tliat have upon them the earmarks of preceding Con- 
gresses. These papers cannot be withdrawn from the tiles 
of the Senate if at any previous time the measure has been 
reported upon adversely. They are retained in evidence of 
that adverse action, but if a measure has been reported 
favorably the papers may be withdrawn upon a motion of a 
senator. Old claims may or may not be meritorious, but 
they are invariably regarded with suspicion as well as dis- 
like. The multitudinous duties of a senator leave him but 
little time to delve into musty papers and to prepare writ- 
ten reports which will stand the test of the committee, let 
alone the Senate. 

8. To Get a Bill Out of the Committee.— It is a hatd 
matter to get a bill out of the committee, lur t-everal reasons. 
Most of the committees of the Senate are composed of nine 
members. These members are in turn appointed sub- 
committees, to which are assigned the various bills which 
have been referred to the whole committee. In the course 
of a Congress these references to the working committees 
of the Senate consist of from three to nine hundred meas- 
ures. All of this means a great deal of exacting work. Per- 
haps in the mass of bills referred to an individual senator, 
as a sub-committee, there is a large percentage which is not 
deserving of a favorable recommendation. These bills are 
usually held back, out of consideration to the senators who 
have introduced them. If a report is urged upon any one 
of them it means unfavorable action, and that is never 
desired, as an unfavorable report practically kills the bill. 
But outside of these bills there are many meritorious meas- 
ures which lie dormant until the sub-committee in charge is 
stirred up to make a report upon thcni. 

9. When a Bill Has Passed the Committee, the one 
who has prepared the report submits the bul, amended or 
not, as the case may be. The bill is reprmted with its 
amendments, and is given a calendar number. The report 
is also printed and given the same calendar number, the 
calendar being a record of each of the bills in the order in 
which it is reported back to the Senate with the favorable 
or unfavorable recommendation of the committee. 

At this period in the course of the passage of the bill, 
the claimant feels hopeful. He believes his measure is 
nearly a law, for if it is passed by the Senate, he will then 
have to get it only through the House. Perhaps he has an- 
ticipated the action of the Senate, and has had * similar biU 



HOW BILLS ARE PASSED AND LAWS MADE. 

already introduced in the House. His efforts may have 
been successful in that body and the bill may be on the 
House calendar also. 

ID. Both the Senate and the House. — But the work of 
getting the bill on both the Senate and Hou«5e calendars 
has b en the work of nionths. The comm'ttees usually 
meet but once a week, and then remain in session not over 
an hour antl a haif. For weeks at a time no legislative busi- 
ness may be considered by the committee in charge of his 
bill, on acc ount of nominations made by the President. 
However, the private claimant finds that werks have passed 
into months, the long session ended, and the short one 
begun before he gf ts his bill on the calendar of each house. 
There is nut much time for legislation of a private charac- 
ter in the sLort session, except at the beginning. The 
appropriation bills for carrying on the government for the 
ensuing fiscal year must be prepared, and, as they have the 
right of way over all other legislation, a private bill must 
take its chances. But being on both the Senate and House 
calenders, it has a favorable prospect. 

11. When the Bill Has Passed Either the House or 
the Senate it becomes an act and is signed by the Clerk of 
the House if it be a House bill, and by the Secretary of the 
Senate if it be a Senate bill. The Senate bill has now be- 
come an act and is again reprinted, but still retains its 
identity as a Senate measure. The only changes are in the 
heading, which reads " in the House of Representatives," 
and in affixing the date of passage and the name of the 
Secretary of the Senate. 

12. Many Bills Are Reported. — During the course of 
a Congress many biTs are reported. The House calendar 
in the last days of a Congress is usually a thick, voluminous 
document, and it would be a matter of impossibility to dis- 
pose of ail ot the bills, which still remain on the calendar. 
It is customary, thert fore, for the House to assign to the seV' 
eral important committees one or two days each for the con- 
sideration of the business which these committees deem most 
pressing. Only a few of the many bills can be selected to 
be pushed to a final passage. The claimant must still be 
on the alert to secure for his bill a place among those which 
shall be given this great favor. If his bill passes it goes 
back to the Senate, with the amendments made by the 
House. 

13. Accepting or Rejecting the Amendments. — The 
Senate then has to concur in tlie amendments or reject them. 
If they are accepted and adopted by the Senate, the bill is 
ready for the President's signature. 



168 CONGRESS COMPARED WITH EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS. 

14. The President's Signature. — When the act is laid 
before the President a few hurried words, needed to explain 
the purport of the bill, are spoken. If they are not satisfac- 
tory a "pocket veto" follows, which means that the Presi- 
dent has declined to approve the law, and it therefore dies 
with the Congress. This frequently happens. But if the 
President is satisfied he affixes his signature, his executive 
private secretary records the number of the bill in his book 
and then rushes out of the doorway to appear calmly in 
front of the President of the Senate and announce that the 
President has approved Senate bill of such a number. The 
private bill has become a law and the claimant is at rest. 

Our Congress Compared With Euro= 
pean Parliaments. 

1. Delays and Losses. — The uncertainties, delays and 
losses attending the law-making faculties of the United 
States, the Senate and House of Representatives at Wash- 
ington bring home sharply and tangibly to every citizen in 
the land as to excite not only an extraordinary interest in 
regard to our congressional methods of doing business, but, 
also, in regard to parliamentary ways and methods in other 
countries. The vexed questions of "quorum," "silver," 
" tariff," have of late been thrust forward so prominently, and 
debated so bunglingly and lengthily, as to compel the atten- 
tion of the public mmd and to cause it to inquire, to wonder, 
how knotty ciuestions of like perplexing and weighty char- 
acter are dealt with when drifted into by the legislative 
bodies of other great countries. 

2. Origin of Legislative Bodies. — The parliamentary 
g«rm is traceable to remote ages. First appearing in the 
rough councils of primitive tribes, it developed by slow gra- 
dations until it fairly blossomed out amidst the Greeks and 
Romans, and, upon their collapse, it withered and under- 
went decay. Parliamentarism, or the exercise of a nation's 
sovereignty through regularly elected bodies, is distinctly a 
modern outgrowth, its original home England, whence it 
spread to other couhtries, which more or less successfully 
adopted it. The American Congress is based essentially on 
the Knglish lines, and is really an importation, pruned and 
trained to suit the requirements of a new world. The base 
upholds the superstructure, and, fortunately, in this partic- 
ular instance was of a vivifying, enduring kind, and so the 
superstructure remains capable of improvement, which 
luany think is now greatly needed. 



CONGRESS COMPARED WITH EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS. 169 

3. Written Constitution. — In considering the English 
system, the striking fact stands out that the most powerful 
and leading parliamentary nation during the last few cen- 
turies never possessed a written constitution, and that one 
merely fixed by practice and precedents amply sufficed for 
the enormous share of prosperity and freedom it enjoyed 
throughout that extended period. 

4. The Difference Between the English and the Conti- 
nental Constitutions. — The difference between them lies in 
thefactthat theformergraduallygrew intolife.whilethe lat- 
ter were made to order at short notice and launched without a 
particle of inherent vitality, truly very readable on paper, 
but unsuited to long use and liable to be erased at a stroke 
of the pen, or rather the sword. 

5. The House of Commons. — The House of Commons, 
elected by the people on an enlarged suffrage plan, and the 
House of Lords, of hereditary membership, have been very 
much improved as working machmes within the past fifty 
years, although their school of oratory cannot be ranked as 
high as in the days of Pitt and Burke, or even so late as of 
Peel, Bright and Palmerton. The only notable orator left 
over from the old school is Mr. Gladstone, the present octo- 
genarian, recently having retired from public office. 

6. The Current Style in the Commons. — The current 
style is plain, concise English for the transaction of the bus- 
iness of the day, beyond which its statesmanship now* 
neither looks nor is capable of looking. The body harbors 
no uncommon, remarkable talent; the oratory is fair, so far 
as it goes. There is no straining for effect, no " stump 
speaking " for petty outside communities; no talking to the 
galleries, and there is a steady sticking to practical work 
both in the House and in the committee rooms. 

7. Improvement Over the Practice of Congressmen. — 
This is a decided improvement over the practice of Con- 
gressmen who, being exceedingly fond of cheap notoriety, 
prattle by the hour to the galleries and to the reporters, 
though in the meantime necessary questions be waiting con- 
sideration. Stump speaking, for the most part a mixture of 
screaming words and guffaws, is the besetting sin of the 
newly fledged delegates at Washington, eager to make 
themselves heard, through the press, to their local constitu- 
ents. Nothing of the kind has a foothold in the English 
Parliament. The general public is too critical and exacting 
to tolerate neglect of business, which is always important 
because it so nearly concerns both local and national affairs, 
as no European Parliament is free to disregard local mat- 
ters and devote itself exclusively to high national affairs, as 







o 

Q 

O 

H 
O 

a: 

C/) 

J" 
o 

H 
1— « 

a, 

< 

o 

.J 
< 

o 

H 

< 

(I] 

H 



CONGRESS COMPARED WITH EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS. 171 

Congress is compelled to do under our mixed system. For 
the rest, a special public is not allowed in the galleries of 
the London building, as in the two Washington Houses, 
wherein the gallery audience greatly outnumbeis the mem- 
bers and almost overawes them by the influence of open 
applause or condemnation. Here again, in this small item 
of gallery restriction, our Republican system might adopt, 
without any silly conceit, a betterment from the mother 
country. 

8. Filibustering. — Filibustering is now impossible in 
any European Parliament, and should be equally impossible 
at Washington, the minority's pretenses being altogether in- 
defensible. The French were the first to see the necessity of 
the cloture rule, and in this their notorious chop-logic 
instinct placed them on the right track for once. It is a vast 
improvement, a logical and indispensable step in accord- 
ance with the more rapid advances in every civilized 
land; it simply prevents a few, most often cranky, persons 
from putting obstructions on the track to stop the train of 
progress. 

9. The House of Lords. — The sessions of the House of 
Lords, presided over by Lord Chancellor, have a strictly 
perfunctory character, though in picturesqueness of splen- 
did scenery it holds first rank. The Speaker of the House 
of Commons is elected by the members, and has great 
power and many privileges. In the usual course of his pre- 
siding he takes the chair at 4 p. M., when prayers are read 
by a clergyman of the Established Church, and the business 
of the day commences. The members invariably thin out 
about dinner hour, which is 7, to return about 9 P. m., 
when the night's sitting is entered on in earnest, to last 
sometimes until daybreak, and always until the small hours 
of the morning. 

10. Parliamentary Holidays. — The Parliamentary holi- 
days are frequent during a session, all the more so as the 
ministerial tenure of office is not fixed, but is subject to the 
uncertainties of voting. The best debating nights are Mon- 
days and Thursdays, and on Wednesday the House sits 
only from noon to 6 P. M.; of course there is no sitting on 
Sunday, which, however, on the continent is an important 
day for official work, elections being held on that day when 
they become necessary. Unless forty members are present 
at a sitting, it is agreed that "there is no House," to use a 
Parliamentary phrase; that is, not a sufficient quorum to 
transact the public business. 

11. Queer Privileges. — All members sit on benches, 
and have no desks as congressmen have. The atti*^udes of 




THE HOUSE OF LORDS, THE LEGISLATIVE HALL 
OF THE ENGLISH ARISTOCRACY- 



172 



CONGRESS COMPARED WITH EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS. 173 

the members, when not speaking, are limited by no conven- 
tionalities, and the greatest freedom is allowed, mcluding 
the practice of smoking and drinking at will, wearing hats, 
and a considerable amount of subdued playfulness and 
chaffing in the English style. 

12. Ministers. — Ministers, though appointed by the 
Queen, have also to be members, and, after appointment, 
are invariably re-elected by their constituencies. The 
benches to the right of the Speaker's chair are the recog- 
nized seats of the government party, the heads of which, 
the ministers, occupy the first bench. The benches to the 
left of the Speaker's chair are tilled by the men.bers form- 
ing the "opposition," the leaders of which also take their 
seats on the first bench directly confronting the ministerial 
bench. The ministers, being responsible both for the mak- 
ing and execution of the laws, occupy the front rank, the 
main position in the House of Commons,of which the prime 
minister is the recognized leader, though the opposition has 
its own special leader. 

13. Voting.— The process of voting is done, not by a 
roll call, but by the members passing into their respective 
"division lobby," in order to be counted; the count is what 
tells. The ayes, or those in favor of the ministry, retire 
into the lobby on the right of the Speaker's chair, and the 
noes, or those voting with the opposition, retire mto the 
lobby on the left of the Speaker's chair. 

14. The King Opens Parliament. — When the King opens 
Parliament, and he also prorogues or dissolves it when the 
premier authorizes, he enters the building through the 
"Victoria Tower," and proceeds to his "robing room," 
which is a spacious apartment elegantly fitted up, and 
only issues from it to march in solemn procession — black 
rod, crown, and other regal paraphernalia— through the 
Victoria gallery, 110 feet in length, to the House of Lords. 
He makes this march on foot, as it would be against Eng- 
lish etiquette for him to be carried in a "sedia gestatoria" 
(portable chair), as the Pope of Rome is in St. Peter's. 
English etiquette is extremely exacting, so much so that 
His Majesty is now more than ever addicted to shirking it. 
On arriving in the House of Lords his throne awaits him 
to sit down on. 

15. In Full Dress. — The peers in the presence of the 
King are arrayed in their robes, the members of the 
House of Commons are in dress suits, the ladies of the 
court in attendance are attired in splendid costumes, and 
the scene itself is eminently adapted to such a rich dis- 
play, the House of Lords being sumptuously decorated in 
the richest Gothic style. The ceremony being ended with 
the reading of the royal speech, royalty goes back over 
the same route to its palatial home. 



■■•Uait^Tr't^, 



^ 




"-^^ 



^. 



L 



--ri 



O 

Q 
■J 

D 

ca 
H 



< 



-^^ST'- 




X 
m 

o 
w 

h 



cii 



17ft 



CONGR'^.SS COMPARED WITH EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS. 17& 

i6. The French Assembly. — The present Assembly, 
consisting of a Senate and Chamber of Deputies, was insti- 
tuted by Jules Favre and Gambetta at Paris, in September, 
1870. As it is a very numerous body, repre-eniing the most 
mercurial of nations, i'S debates are remarkably stormy, and 
the scenes enacted during debating batties are simply in- 
describable, eclipsing anything ever seen or heard in the 
other more orderly capitals. The orators speak from a 
special tribune, and when they get off any bril iant effort 
they are duly congratulated by their colleagues of their own 
set, for the political factions and hues are numerous, and 
every prominent politician has his own clique, or coterie, in 
addition. Wit, ridicule and sarcasm are the favorite weap- 
ons, more relied on than good judgment and sound argu- 
ments, because they can be quickly made to tell in the 
debating, which is invariably in a desultory, running and 
leaping fashion, impossible of accurate following by the 
reporters. 

17. The Members. — The members sit on benches, and 
both the Senate and Chamoer are directed, from elevated 
"tribunes," by 'Presidents." A prominent feature is the 
abundance of official ushers and attendants, dressed up in 
gorgeous liveries, with chains of honor on their coat lapels, 
who flit frequently about the floor, the corritior^ and rooms, 
in obedience to the fickle demands made upon them. 

18. Italian Parliament.— When the Italian kingdom 
was recently formed it simply continued the constitution 
and parliament which little Piedmont had adopted during 
the revolutionary period. On taking possession of Rome it 
was found to be without a Parliament building, as the popes 
had never had any use for ihis species of machinery, and so 
the construction of one was at once ordtred. A site was 
picked out, where the papal prisons stood, at Monte Citorio, 
and they were pulled down, to the great glee o^ many revo- 
lutionists who had leen confined in their dungeons, and a 
hasty building was put up for the accommodanon of the 
members who migrated from the old capital, Florence, to 
the new one. Since that day the Italian Parliament has 
held uninterrupted sessions in the "Monte Citorio Palace." 
The members are generally more orderly and restrained in 
debate than the French deputies, but they can be, on some 
occasions, more noisy and furious, even unto blows and the 
drawing of weapons. The debates are rarely of interest, 
the proceedings being unenlivened by the least wit or 
repartee, now that the more prominent statesmen who built 
up the kingdom have either died or withdrawn from active 
politics. 



176 CHANGES IN CONGRESS. 

19. The German Reichstag.— The Imperial House of 
Parliament, known as the " Reichstag," is in close proximity 
to the "war office," in Leipsic street, which fairly throws it 
into the coolest of shades and remotest of background! 
combined; in fact, it is difficult to find where the Imperial 
German Parliament is at, literally as well as metaphorically, 
for it is a small concern dimly visible, as through a glass, 
darkly, in the concrete, and history has yet to record what 
public use it has served, what practical result given, even 
to the Kaiser or his family. Bismarck started the Reichs- 
tag on the well-w^orn road' of registering the imperial will in 
the shape of voted laws, and the late chancellor. Count 
von Caprivi, has kept the gentlemen voters well up to 
their set tasks. All the parties, including the Socialists, are 
represented in it, but this isof no avail to them if free debate 
is useless, even when tolerated by the arbitrary ministers, 
who either get the certain number of votes their measures 
require or order a new Parliament, brand new from the 
polls superintended by the police and the military. 

The Great Changes in Congress from 

the First Extra Session Called by 

President Adams and the Last 

Extra Session Called by 

President Cleveland. 

1, Increase in Representation. — Each member of the 
House of Representatives is theoretically the mouthpiece 
of just 173,!JUl persons— a decided increase over the 30,000 
that a representative stood for in the first Congress. The 
smaller number was provided for by the first Constitution, 
the larger is based on the last census. 

2. First Extra Session.— Every member of the present 
Congress may reasonably be presumed to have read the 
proclamation calling the extra session within twenty-four 
hours after it was issued, although scattered over a terri- 
tory nearly as large as all Europe. When the first extra 
session of Congress ever held was called by President 

ohn Adams in March, 1797, many a member did not even 
_earn the fact for six weeks. Small as the country 
then was — some sixteen states mostly along the Atlantic 
seaboard — it would have been impossible for Congress 
to assemble in the single iiuinth allowed by Tresident 
Cleveland for the legislative branch of the govern- 
ment to come together. Indeed, one gentleman who 
had raced across the country on horseback to attend 



I 



CHANGES IN CONGRESS. 



177 




GEN. ALGER, Ex U. S. Senator. 



the special session of 1797 did not reach Philadelphia — 
then the nation's capital — until after Congress had ad- 
journed. In that year the Senate and House assembled in a 
little brick building with a few rooms in it. The Whit? 
House was just a block away and likewise of brick and very 
modest. The reason for the special session was that waj 
with France was imminent. It nev^er came, no thanks to 
the fifth Congress. The government at that time paid nd 
salary to the President's private secretary nor to the execu- 
tive clerks, pages, or other more or less useful function- 
aries. When Congress opened, President Adams appeared 
before the Senate and House and made a speech to the mem- 
bers. When he had finished everybody stood up respect- 
fully as he passed out. 

3. Last Extra Session. — No such scene was witnessed 
on August 7, 1S93. President Cleveland did not enter the 
halls of Congress. The cabinet in 1797 contained five mem- 
bers : Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State; Oliver Wol- 
cott, Secretary of the Treasury; James McHenry, Secretary 
of War; Joseph Habersham, Postmaster-General.and Charles 
Lee, Attorney-General. There was no Secretary of the In- 
terior, no Secretary of the Navy, and no Secretary of Agri- 
culture. In fact the Postmaster-General was not a member 
of the cabinet in 1797, and the presidential advisers were 
therefore but four in number when Congress first met in 
special session. The states were sixteen all told — the 
thirteen original colonies and Vermont, Kentucky and 



178 



CHANGES IN CONGRESS. 




T. C. PLATT. Ex. U. S. Senator, from New York. 

Tennessee. The Senate numbered thirty-two members in- 
stead of eighty-eight. There were no territories. The city 
of Washington did not exist. The \\hite House of 1797 has 
disappeared from the face of the earth. Its site in Phila- 
delphia is unmarked by anything but a hideous brick struc- 
ture that is leased for a shirt factory and a photograph gal- 
lery. The old Independence hall still stands, but so 
changed m many respects that the members of the fifth 
Congress would not recognize it could they see the struc- 
ture. 

The Congress summoned by President Cleveland in 
special session, contained 444 members, not counting the 
four territorial delegates. 

4. Future Membership. — There will be a gradual 
increase in the membership of Congress according to the 
growth of population, and the admittai ce of new territories 
to statehood. During ]90:j-]9l>4 a number of Southern 
states disfranchised the negroes, as a result of which many 
prominent statesmen advocated a reduction of represent- 
atives in such states, but the change was not made. 



CHANGES IN CONGRESS. 



5. The Disadvantages of Having a New Congress. — 
The members of Congress are elected in November, but it 
is generally a year from the following December before 
they benefit the country with their law-making powersi 
Usually thirteen months intervene before the new Congress 
is called into power to act for the people. In 1892 the new 
Congress was overwhelmingly Democratic but the Repub- 
lican Congress continued to control till April 4, until their 
actions and theories had been repudiated by the people. 
In 1894 the Democratic majority in the Congress were 
overthrown and a surprising Republican majority elected, 
yet the Democrats after being overthrown and repudiated. 











i'i 



ASSEMBLED IN CONGRESS, 
were permitted to make laws until the first of March. When 
the people have lost confidence in the representatives of a 
party they should not be permitted to continue in power, 
but yield to the new elected representatives who represent 
the popular will of the people. The newly chosen Con- 
gress should enter at once upon work at New Year's so that 
the country may not be embarrassed by the privileges of 
an independent Congress. 



CHAPTER V. 

Voting, The Ballot, and Ballot Re- 
form, The History of Voting. 

1. Origin. — Where did the ballot come from? Like 
Topsy, and most other institutions, it "growed." And in its 
growth it has taken such varied forms that it will make an 
interesting study. Of course, in the good, old times, when 
all civilized countries were governed by kings, there was no 
use for a ballot. A primitive, self-governiuL'' tribe, like those 
of the ancient Germans, were satisfied with viva-voce voting. 
The Jews, before they had kings, might be called a self- 
governing people. Strictly, however, their theory of govern- 
ment put everything into the hands of God, and in technical 
terms was a theocracy. If a public officer must be chosen, 
he was named by God's representative, the priest or 
prophet, or else lots were cast, and it was expected that God 
would send the right lot to the right man. It is not unlikely 
that such casting of lots gave the first hints of a secret 
ballot. 

2. The Greek Ballot. — The ancient Greeks used the 
ballot in enacting laws and in courts, where there was a large 
number of judges. The ballot there was originally a pebble, 
whole for a yes vote, or pierced with a hole for a no. Some- 
times ther was only one stone, which was dropped into a 
yes or no box. Later the pebble was changed for a little 
bronze wheel. A few of these have been found in modern 
times, stamped on one side with the words, " Official ballot.' 
and 'on the other with the number of the judicial district. 

In electing officers the Greeks voted by show of hands. 
Often officers were appointed by lot. White and black 
beans were used for lots, and those who were understood 
to be hungry for office received the suggestive name of bean- 
eaters. 'I'he idea here was that every citizen was good 
enough to hold office, and this was the most impartial way 

180 



THE HISTORY OF VOTING. 181 

of dividing the spoils. They never used a secret ballot to 
vote for candidates in the modern fashion, but only to vote 
against them. 

3. Ostracism. — If party spirit was running high, and the 
power of a boss was growing dangerous, a vote of exile was 
ordered. Each citizen wrote a name on an oyster shell or a 
piece of broken crockery, and put this vote secretly into the 
box. Any boss against whom there was a sufficient majority 
must leave the country for ten years. 

This peculiar institution, called ostracism, is really the 
nearest approach tfie Greeks made to a modern ballot sys- 
tem. Ostracism went out of use because on a certain im- 
portant occasion the thunderbolt failed to hit either of the 
prominent leaders, but struck a comparatively obscure 
person. 

The details are not quite clear. It has been suggested, 
however, that the great bosses made a deal by which they 
were to let each other alone, and give all the votes to a 
troublesome third party man. This result was so unsatis- 
factory to the people that ostracism was given up. 

4. Roman Ballot. — The ballot was introduced into Rome 
in the second century B. C. This was the real AustraliaH 
ballot. The voter received a sort of wooden slate covered 
with wax on which the names of all the candidates were 
scratched. He made holes in the wax opposite those of his 
choice and dropped his tablet in the box. 

After the downfall of the Roman republic, popular gov- 
ernment took a long sleep, and there was little use for a 
ballot till quite modern times. Still, some of the most 
curiously elaborate ballot systems known were developed 
in the small governing bodies of the middle ages. 

5. Election of a Pope. — One of these is the form for 
electing a pope, which has continued to our own time. All 
the cardinals are locked up together in a suite of rooms at 
the Vatican, and forbidden to have any communication with 
the outside world till they have made a choice. Food is 
passed in to them, but if the pope is not elected within a 
few days, they are put on prison rations by way of quicken- 
ing their work. 

A ballot is taken every morning, followed by another, to 
give an opportunity for changing votes. Each cardinal re- 
ceives a printed blank. He first signs it, then folds it over 
so as to conceal the signature, and seals it. On the uncov- 
ered part of the paper he writes the name of his candidate. 
If there is not a two-thirds majority the ballots are burned, 
and the smoke tells the waiting crowd outside that there is 
DO election. 



182 THE HISTORY OF VOTING. 

The same process is repeated every evening. When 
any candidate gets the necessary two-thirds, the sealed sig- 
natures are opened, to make sure that no unauthorized 
person has voted. Then the election is publicly announced. 

6. Election in Venice.— This carefulness, however, is 
nothing to that which was used in electing a doge of Venice. 
The Venetian legislators, despairing of getting an election 
which would not be controlled by politicians' intrigues, 
called in the lot as their helper. 

When a doge was to be elected, the great council, of 
between four and five hundred members, was called to- 
gether. Those below thirty years of age were shut out and 
the names of the rest were written on slips of paper. A 
small boy was then picked up on the street and brought in 
to draw out thirty names. 

Out of these thirty, nine were chosen to go on with the 
election. They were to choose forty others. Four of them 
nominated five each, five of them four each; and each of the 
forty must be confirmed by a two-thirds of the nine. Out 
of these forty names twelve were taken by 1 it. 

The twelv e in the same way chose a new board of twenty- 
five, the chairman nominating three and each of the others 
two, a three-fourths vote being necessary to elect. Lots 
were again drawn for nine of the twenty-five. These nine 
in the same way chose forty-five others, of whom the lot 
picked out eleven. 

These eleven, still in the same form, nominated forty-one 
to elect the doge. Each of these must be confirmed by a 
majority of the great council. Then the forty-one were 
/ocked up together, to go on with their election. While 
they were locked up each of them was furnished with what- 
ever he asked for, regardless of e.xpense. But the same 
must be given to each of the forty-one. 

For instance, there was once an elector who wished to 
read in /Esop's Fables. He got his book, but not till all 
Venice had been ransacked to find the necessary forty-one 
copies. At another time one of them ordered a rosary. 
Forty-one rosaries made their appearance in due form. 

This treatment was expecteu to make the electors so 
unanimous that at least twenty-five of them would agree on 
a doge. When this took place the rigmarole was over. An 
evening newspaper, trying to follow the returns in Venice at 
that time, would have painful times. 



THE HISTORY OF VOTING. 183 

7 Thfe . .lOdern Ballot. — Coming back to the ballot as 
used by common mortals, and coming down to this century, 
the Hungarian ballot of thirty years ago is one of the most 
interesting. The voter had given to him a stick from four 
to six feet long With this he went alone into a room where 
the ballot boxes were placed, each bearing the name and 
color of a candidate. In one of these he must place his 
stick. The object in having such a large ballot was to make 
sure that there were not two or three extra ones cone aied 
in the citizens' pockets. But this has now been replaced by 
prosaic paper. 

8. Present Ballot of European Nations. — In Greece at 
the present day the ballot is a little lead ball. There is a 
box for ea'h candidate, divided into two compartments. 
A ckrk goes from box to box with the voter, carrying a 
bowl full of these balls. At each box the voter takes one, 
puts his hand into a funnel, out of sight, and drops his ball 
mto the yes or no compartment, making a vote for or 
against the candidate. If he wishes to vote for more than 
one party there is nohing to prevent him. 

In Italy, each voter, on registering, gets a ticket of ad- 
mission to the polling house. Here a stamped blue paper, 
with a copy of the law printed on the back, is handed to 
him. On this paper he must write his vote. 

The French hallot system is much like the American 
system five years aa:o. England uses the Australian ballot. 

9. The Right of Voting in the United States.— The right 
to vote comes f r jiii the state, and is a state gift. Natural- 
ization is a Federal right and is a gift of the Union, not of 
«<ny one state. In nearly one-half of the Union aliens (who 
have declared intentions) vote and have the right to vote 
equally with naturalized or native-born citizens. In the 
other half only actual citizens may vote. (See Table of 
Qualifications for Voting in each State on another page.) 
The Federal naturalization laws apply to the whole Union 
alike, and provide that no alien may be naturalized until 
after five years' residence. Even after five years' resi- 
dence and due naturalization he is not entitled to vote unless 
the laws of the state confer the privilege upon him, and he 
may vote in several states six months after landing, if he 
has declared his intention, under United States law, to be- 
come a citizen. 



184 



THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT. 



The Australian Ballot. 

In the consideration of suffraL,"e and the ballot our atten- 
tion is drawn most naturally to the act of voting by means 
of the ballot. And we will endeavor to consider it from the 
practical rather than from the historical point of view. 

Originally, as is well known, the ballot was a ball, a shell 
or other symbol by which the voter indicated whether he 
was in favor of or against a particular proposition. That 
old style of voting is still popular and serviceable in clubs 
and societies for speedy action on simple Questions. After 
the invention of printing came the printed paper ballot in 
various forms, until what is probably the most perfect form 
of ballot yet devised has made its appearance — the blanket 
ballot of me Australian system. There the names of all 




I 
1 



Australian Ballot. 

the candidates for a given office are arranged alphabetically 
on a single ballot and the voter is allowed to mark the name 
of the person tor whom he votes. By the use of the Aus- 
tralian system of voting the danger of bribery and corrup- 
tion in elections has been overcome to a considerable 
extent. The secrecy enforced in voting is the point of 
safety. By that simple device the would-be purchaser of a 
vote is deprived of a means of absolute certainty that the 
vender or a vote voted according to contract. But, not- 
withstanding the secrecy incident to voting, practical poli- 
ticians assert that many votes are still bought Probably 
the instruments now most conducive to the purchase and 
sale of votes are the separate party ballots and the paster 
ballot. But as these are already in much disfavor, it is to 
be hoped that they will soon disappear. 



KEGISTRATION LAWS. 185 

Requirements Regarding the Regis- 
tration of Voters. 

The registration of voters is required in the states of 
Alabama, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Idaho, 
Illinois, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, 
Minnesota, Montana, Mississippi, Nevada, New Hampshire, 
New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South 
Carolina, Vermont, Virginia, and Wyoming and the terri- 
tories of Arizona, New Mexico and Utah. 

In Georgia registration is required in some counties by 
local law. 

In Kentucky registration is required in cities, in Kansas 
in cities of the first and second class, in Iowa and Nebraska 
in cities of and over 2,500 inhabitants, in North Dakota in 
cities of over 3,000 inhabitants, in Ohio in cities of not less 
than 9,000 inhabitants, in Maine in all cities and in towns 
having 600 or more voters, in South Dakota in cities and 
towns having over 1,000 voters and in counties where regis« 
tration has been adopted by popular vote, and in Tennessee 
in all counties having 60,0' inhabitants and over. 

In Missouri it is required in cities of 100,000 inhabitants, 
and in Wisconsin in cities having 3,000 inhabitants and over 
In New York it is required in all cities and in all incorpo- 
rated villages of over 7,000 inhabitants. In Rhode liland 
non-taxpayers are required to register yearly before Decem- 
ber 31. In Texas cities of 10,000 or over may require regis- 
tration. 

The registration of voters is not required in the state of 
Oregon. It is prohibited in Arkansas and West Virginia 
by constitutional provision. 




18^ 



QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING IN EACH STATE. 



c 
o 






o 



u 






_0 J3 



;r/ J) 

C_ 

2 « 

0^ (£ 



S.2 



c/5 :i 





■^ 00 ti 




"So s 


rt 




UJ 


. g >> 










n 


y— E 


•■■ 


5-- — 


W) 




c 




JWN 


•a =-:; 


<M 


g-^ 


o 


o t 


> 








U 


f^-r 


o 


6"— OS 


**m 












</J 


C C V' 


c 


■~ ~ ^ 


o 


■^ 5 = 


-M 


,", cc 


a 


H 1£ U 

o .t a: 



cd 


£=.= 


3 


-^£ 


o> 


a c — 




a ■•■ — 




l-H i ■« 




CO •^ 







a 

u 

ta 



o 

-a 

3 

t> 

M 

M 

0) 

a 

o 

to 

o 



a n 3 
•r o S a 



V. C3 
C 3 



£2 

•13 



c s 
c — 

■^ 5 c' a 
•»- o - :; o 

c % = £ S 

.2 •-•$,/= 

"> z ■'i- -^ 1 '■ 
c = — .- = 

r-. ^ 






o o 
c« 

.a 



o 

3. 

c 

a 
to 

a 

3 

1.1 






c . 

" a 



c? 



c 

i- - a >- a 

j^ - - - c -■ 

^■- 2 "-"^ *-■ 

^j:.'~ o a o 



o 

J3 



a 
o 



a 
o 






a S" 

.S3 



C. 



e -' 



aE = 

-X - 
o ~ 



i i — -3 M 3 

-=•=- £5 

= £ = :; C5», 
u _ - — O 

c ^ c *^ 

s-f £= •; = 3 

a 5 S a'- M 
« 7. " lTu. ^ 



-5 °c£ ^s'r^-'^.^ 



.2 

-3 



e c 2 ..^ s 
ef aic- 

i > t:r a*- 



= 1- — — >. 

— -— --c-= J 

«: ;: - .- c t o 

2 7'> = to'>-- 
.— r a ^ w a-3 
^ = = St. o o 



o 

M 

>■ 

u 
Ph 



o • 

Co 



cs 
-3 
o 






o 



a c 

•-H a 

o 



cd 

•3 



O 



e3 
O 

C5 



o 
a 



i-( rH ^H CO 



>> 

•a 


CS 

"3 


8 


S 


J. 


* 


>> 

o 
■3 


a 

-3 


§ 


g 



o 

a 



c3 a 

— ^3 
Q o 



o 

E ^ 



o 
E 



= — • o 



a 
u 



o 
«.* 

to 

a 
<n 

*^ 

a 
o 

S 
o 
u 

'p 
o 



u 

H 
H 

to 



?o 



11 
^1 



t3 

'•^ 6 



•3 i- 2 

a 



o 

u 

•i) a 



ei 2 a.; 



CC-3 
'3 ^ 

£ 



a: -3 



i^ .i:_a •->. 



P-3 
C cS 

O O 

.t: if 
o 



•m tn 

C t^ 

o 



S-^ - 

- a ^32 

2.2 -Sd 

es at;; o 



.;2 a 
e t- 

■*- <M 

— >• 

a o 



3« 



■5 " 



y.-3 






c £ 



t ^ C = 

- e3 





a . 
c a 

.2 3 









a .^ a - ^.^-r 



cj £; 3 :) 



= "3^ = ^"3 £•- 0_Sx> 



•Bo 55 



o o 

O td 

CO CO 

•3 -3 

o o 

.*^ .*^ 

"a 'a 

P P 

a o 

,3 J3 






~ a o 

- c C o 

«,.t; i* CO 






o 

a 



o o 



a a-3 
o c o , 

e a a (J 
tr-F. a a 

o — ".« 

--- I- 5 

^- = -1 

«- ~ X 3 
.^ ? asao 



a 
E 

a) 



C3 
to 

a 


o 
o 


"3 

a 


• 




<— • 


o 


a 

a 


^ 


a 


o 


o 


< 


U 


O 


O 






0) 

•3 



o 



5 
'u 

hi 
o 
s 

O 



o o 
J a 



• 
(d 
a 

C8 
•3 

a 



QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING IN EACH STATE. 



181 



aid) 

2p 

•4-" cn 
O ai , 

c g I 
c 2'i 



«> b ra 

o ® is 

a m 

03 3 N 

taa 
.^ « 

o == H 



«■' E rt 

9 tl K 



lis 



. o 2 ° c 
o o s J^ g 




i! 

H CO 

.2§ 



CC 

o 

O) S 



2S 

P.S 
3 

&§ 

o O 

a 

'E'd 
CO a> 






m a> fl 



a ts 



'•''- g (c (2 « 

/a 2 B'ti a a-coc oj 
" ' - .-I ca m i-i i- 



^ 2L *~ •-' 



' ca 



§.03 fc._ a 
£ O, cfO cs 

o a— a;g 



g C. to ,5 
O'"" «) O 

o " C O (- 



S fl 

to C 



o a 

00 O 

CO > 

so 



tn 



s 



CO-3 



. en 



o o. g © a 
■> " 2 rt ° 

o 



rtt»-i 



^ P 



CM p 
OJ 

a to 

o cs . 

S a.S 



hS 




o o 




si 










0) 


0) 




(C 










50^ 




TT 


«:> 




(1) 


a 




-«.> 


n 




a 


a 




P 


M 




a) 


fn 




^ 


u 






o 




a 


-M 




"^ 


rt 






■d 




n 


OJ 




r, 


fl 




■a 


13 




Id 


3 




CO 


(D 




CO 


bi 
C4 




ID 


n 




>5 (0 




<D 


Fl 




fl 


^ 







do 




-o 


<n 




a 


-H 




<■-> 




•*~ 


s 










a> 






a 






u 


rn 







n 











a 


'^ 


□ 


'^^ 


o 


O 




«' 












d 










r, 


>> 








r^ 


a 






4- 


■73 


§ 


rt 




J3 


c 


ffl 


f) 


to 

•3 


c 


CO 

a 


o.a 




S 

CO 


a 


o 


(H 






o 




a 
a 
o 


CO 


CO 


ri 


^d 


H 


o 


.iJ 


ffi 


s 

o 


c 


«..< 










? 


c: 


a 


■^< 


^_, 


c 




O 


CO 


e 


■"^ 








CO 














ira 




c 










^v 


*- 


CI) 




c 






► a 



CO 

•a 

o 

C3 



CO 

O 
CD 



o 



CO 

r3 
o 



CO 

-a 

Q 



CO 

-a 

o 



CO 

o 

CO 



CO 

'a 

o 

CD 



o 

a 



■ >> 

O CO 

a -a 

CD S 



CO 

'd 



CO 

•a 



i-H »-l § 



GC CI] 

►a >> 

CO CO 

-o -a 

o o 

CD 03 



O O 

a a 

CD CD 



O 

a 

CO 



o 

a 

CO 



CO 

o 






>, 

CO 

•a 
o 

CO 



a 
rt 
til 



ki 






O 

a 



o 

a 



*-»» 

^ 


.2 8 


"c? 


a 






is 


who has 
der U. S. 

election 
years. 
s or alien 
ntention, 
(c) 
tates who 
and Con- 
, 1892. 
s or alien 
intention 

year or 
B offering 




CO 


CO a 


en 


11 

|l 

rt a 

M-d 

-O u 
O IS 

a 0) 
p-d 

^ tn 


en 


n 


-^ 




1 


U o 
oi a 


o 

A-* 
CO 
-4-> 


5 

CO 


0) 

CO 


a ® 




CQ 

-d 

4J 


55 
5.S 


c 


CC 

•d 


CO 

•d 
5 


-d^ 

co^ 
<D fl 
I- CO 


a Z. ^N 'S'd S-d ^ c ~-e c>»3 

S'^ -S-^-^aaHu^i^flo 
|g2^£g-p^|5g|> 

_ 2'd'-^ «■— -^-d cs'"^ <" en 2 

c1|?'S.Sso1.2o.SS5ci 

g42s5gc:^g^fl5=:;2o 

N £ ? 5 N^ ::; N c.t: Nj=-e c z, 

■•S-djs rt'^ s: 5'5 otss ^ 2 as 




a 
P 

o 

.a 

CM 


r3 o 
5S 
c o 

««-i en 


a 
P 

o 


a 
P 

.a 


a 
P 

•M 


a.a 

CO en 

^^ 
a— 






a 


C c3 


o 
a 


S-5 




a 


o 
d 




c 


c 


o 


o 


<B 


o 


cj a 






Nj3 
SB: 


_N 




\j 




.2 - 




^•^ 


c; 


O 


o 


u 


u 


o 


o o o c; 





u 

a 



at 

fl 

eo 



« w; 



* 

e 
fl 

a 



-d 

fl 

CO 



C8 



a 

CO 

u 



p 
o 



188 QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTING IN EACH STATE. 



-a- 



— e 



C -r 
O - 



n ?2 
o a : 

1 4 

13 - o 



I 511 

•So?::: 

w -5 -==^ 

U = ; a: 

rt ■=- - 

"^ c . 

C 5 a ce 

O -= =-:r 

s "" = 

S ill 

O "c re 

♦3 '- "-5 

S - = :: 



5: ?■ 



K r, b< 

c _ .- 






a 






C 3 

e 



^■3 

tn r c3 

^- a 

.z u 

; 2 O 
M -PC 



o ©— < 



2 *.5 



s— a 2 E 



^ 



— a c c fc. i 
X 5^ c^ 5 _ J s- 



^■^« c = 5 



.- ; f- 



*- c rt 



"3 o 
:j 'J- a 



r X - . 

^ u ^ -^ 

^ c - X 



■ « S '' K C, 









£■3 " 






■I. ~ - 

S, ^ u 

a '■ X •■'■ c = 



= 3 






i — <». u X X 



— ^ 5 _^ 



- =^ 3 ' 
~ = =Sl 

" •r'^-3 

Ct C X 

u -^ u 

3 c t O 






i^:^ -hj. 



:z ^ ? ? 5 o 



i t 






X w •- - i 



« 

(a 
o 

g • 

k3 
<»^ 

o 

HI 






' o 



a 
o 



rH OQ 



aa 
>-i a 



CO J. 

00 



a 

O 



-5 



a 
-3 
o 



:3 
-3 
o 



S 



o 
B 



o 
E 






^CO 



- 


X 










in 


c; 


;— ', 


e> 


c 


■-• 


J3 


^- 1 








j__ 


rJ 


^ 








= 


c 


T 


a 


c 


t 


NH 














* 


♦- 




a 


U 
a 



a 
o 

.2 
o 

n 

a 
o 

a 

o 

u 

'a 
c 
o 

M 



£2^ » 

<S !* fc< eo 

-3— a "^ 
o ta c 5) 

o^. c ^ o 

c a a u a 

e i— c o 

)5-S'3 C.5 



C9 

a 

u 
O 

e 

a 

a 



a 

cd 



a"" 



5 

al 

■4.J 

to 

•3 
o 

'a 
P 
o 



o 

a 



u 



o 
o 

.0 

o 

> 
a 



a •^ 
.a a 



O b 

SI 

s ^ 



M 
H 
•< 
H 
CQ 



-5>^ 



■3 
CD 

t» 
o 

J5 



CS 

n 









u 
O 



3 ;h -2 

■3 £x 5 S 

-'.^ X w 

— r = 5 * 
-^ N X X X J. 
— .Z"3-— " o 



en 

a 



C3 

S 




X u .^ 

c a u 



? a 

U 

ur.2 
JIJ 

P ec 
■""= 9 

a c S 

•o w O 

■- :. ki 



•^ : a 

a • o 

s^ M — » 

■a hi 



QUALIFICATIONS FOK VOTING IN EACH STATE. 



189 



S - 
©■3 

a b 

o o 

E M 
o g 






c 

oT a 

o o 



O B 






u 1^ o 



'C T. M C 






C.2 5 2 



C-r , 



? =e cs 



O G^ 

"■-H .a 

■" o 

s ^ 



s 






« tn 

etc 
to a 

St3 



t- «1 0) 

© ,**^ 

-ft > « 
o t, o 

<" >> =8 



^ to 



-3.= tn 5 

■.2oS'^ 



j; - o a 



o 3 



^_o 



5 «r c-s a-^ 5~ 



O C3_, 

C3 ^ &. ^ ■ 
•^ a C c .i"^ 



a S . a 



l-i 
>> 






c3r3 o 

.c - i; _ a 

a^ ' -f a 
o «■_ „ c 



a 
a 



c 

•a 



« P 



C 3-w 3 

n: " ft to . 
t^»-t t-i <ii 

^ o"^ = t- 

<2 P ^ * i£ 

." o o :; I 

2.S tn' -T) C 

- -i^ 3 c. a 

tojn-^.^ O tn ts 

1.2^.2 SS^S 



o ^4 C 

•2£'S 

"^5 



to , 



(D 



©■" 
*"a 



d to 

O ffl 

"a 

.3 

c. ■ 

•^ >• 

-a a 

m o 

a^^ 



as 
O 
l-> 

O 



Si 

a 
s 

CO 



t a 
2 
(*-■ 3 



tn '4^ 

.cs a 

O O 






cs 

? a 

tm o 

to 

u « 

'o*j . a to 

flo^'O cs a 

3 Q © to o 
r^ a-S u,!?-« 



r.. . c-:3 rt c 



'3 



-e 



t»4 <4) 

o 
n CO 



c8 

-a 

o 



CO 

o 



C3 



C 

a 



o Coo 

6 a a £ 



coo 

6 









cn*J 

c a 



o 
es 

m 
■3 



a 
P 

o 



=? 


-3 


Vi 









,„^ 


(fl 















a 


-3 


P 


to 




^ 






-a 


"* 



■3 
o 



X 



o 
ce 
art 



o o JS p 



a 
P 



P t= 
o 2 



c p: o o 3 o 



a 

<B 



-^ 



a a 
c a 



a a • d 
© o a o _ 



Q 



O O w o 



OS 

•3 
© 

'S 
P 

© 



a 
© 



u 



l-d 



03 



« 
cs 

a 



a 
a 
© 



cs ja 

M c8 
© 



a 
o 

S 

© 
P P- 



* 

C8 



a 

■3 



cs «-2 CO o^ 
S3p.ft;g» 



CS 

-3 
o 



cs cs 

•3 -3 
S=> 

05C0 



0) Id 
CO 02 

-3 -3 
© © 

pp 

© © 

j3-a 

o o 

a d 
© © 

Ct3 



* ca 

•d« 
to to 

0) © 



cs 

■3 
o 



es 

-3 



o 
o d 

£t3 
-3 c8 

©'y 

a-s 
Px 



_o 



o a 

© 



o 



-3 
© 

'a 
^© 

5a 
© 

.a © 
a O'-' 
c N es 



m 

n 
o 
o 



a 

o 



&: ^ 



cs S 3 a-3 o 
■^^ 2^_" \L 3 

■nS .S-25 

*j g-s ©^3 a 
■-3 o""- © © *- 

rt es £ o fc; fl 5 
•Cxi >-'B asm 

t- a> © o a J 

g*j " CST3 »- 
t> t! t- c ^ p O 

-2ft"-23i 
2§s5£o >. 

a-a5 a-" o^ 
CO ©oD-- 3j3 2 



•3._ w tr 

c-j © a 
"'=' s _ > 



a k. 

'" o 



-P ® 



tn.S « 

C-Q — ^ '-' «! 

STm <D CI Q. ^ 

.tigs g£a 

o ©.s ©'S'M 2 
Q t- m t. a ff, fo 

08 ajn p t; •* S 

^ — ' - «- cs ^ a) 
■3 O 






"3— >^S 



E^ 



L2-^ 
©-«"" 

a tn © 

°>>to-3 

1 tn-"Sa-^ 

* a^.2 « S « ri 

*j 0*3 o 0.2 s S 

C'J3='g2"'^u 
^"S2ft-^£=^E 



© ^ 

J; -tf 

•'3 •- 



® 2^®(^a 



cJ ^ a5-2^ 



Mas*- tcS" 

-3^5.2 £.2 "-'£ 

.*_* © - ©TI © • ■*-» 

M ©t: S "^ S 2 
3 t 2 o 2 fl n'Sc 
.fl<o.g©a©.2i 

« +3 3'3.^'3 *.* b 
® © © "^^ © *^ 

a h hi A bl -D «- 



s*fat- 







%. 




Q 
W 
H 
O 
> 

cn 

w 
X 

H 

< 

Q 

<J 

Di 
O 

Di 
D 
O 

txj 

w 

X 



190 



EDUCATION OR PROPERTY QUALIFICATION FOR VOTING. 191 

Educational or Property Qualification 
for Voting. 

1. Qualifications. — In some countries the electoral 
franchise, as the right to vote is called, is siill further 
limited to persons who can read and write, or to persons 
possessing a specified amount of property, or payii g a cer- 
tam annual rent tor the premises they occupy. Property 
qualifications originally existed in a number of our stcvtes, 
but they have generally been abolished. 

2. Educatronal Qualifications.— An educational quali- 
fication is proposed in some states, and will probably 
be adopted in many within the next few years. Where 
public or free schools are made accessible to the whole 
population there would be no injustice in requiring that 
only those shall vote who can both read and write. 

3. Minors. — Minors, or persons under age, and paupers 
are not allowed to vote because they are dependent; and it 
is presumable that they would vote under coercion, and not 
according to their independent judgment. Moreover, a 
person incapable of managing his private business ovtght 
not to have a voice or influence in public affairs. It is 
probable that women are denied the vote for the same 
reason— because the greater part of them are in a depend- 
ent conriition; and the law takes no note of ex eptions. 

4. General Manhood Suffrage. — General manhood 
suffrage, which prevails in the United States, is required by 
justice, and is necessary to the perpetuat.on f peace m a 
community or nation. By his vote each man has his in- 
fluence upon those affairs which are common to all citizens; 
if he is outvoted, he is still satished, because it was his hope 
to outvote his opponents, and it is his hope to have the 
majority with him at another time. 

5. Property Qualifications. — It is sometimes urged that 
only those who possess property ought to be allowed to vote 
taxes and appropriations for public purposes. This propo- 
sition has an appearance of justice ; but, besides being ^en- 
erallv impracticable, it rests upon a wront£ view of society. 
It supposes a degree of meanness and bad spirit in the 
poor and of intelligence and liberality m the wealthy, which 
we do not find in actual life ; and it would facilitate a divi- 
sion of men mto classes, the poor arrayed against the rich, 
which, if it existed, would make free government almost, if 
pot quite, impossible. 

6. Vote Money Out of the Pockets of the Rich.— If 
general manhood suffrage anywhere leads the poor to vote 



192 EDUCATION OR PROPERTY QUALIFICATION FOR VOTING 

money out of the p')ckets of the rich wastefully or for need- 
less or corrupt pui poses, the reason is that the rich have 
abdicated their proper place and influence in political soci- 
ety and have seltishlv given themselves to mere money- 
getting or a life of pleasure, by which they endanger not 
only themselves, but what is or greater consequence, the 
stability of the community. It is an additional argument in 
favor of general suffrage if it compels the wealthy and in- 
telligent as an act of unavoidable self-defense to exercise 
that influence in political affairs which justly and naturally 
belongs to them, and reminds them that their prosperous 
fortunes bring with them duties and responsibilities. 

7. Take Notice. — Take notice that a free state or re- 
public cannot remain prosperous if the more fortunate of 
Its citizens withdraw themselves from political duties to 
devote their lives to money-getting or to pleasure. Take 
notice, too, that when a rich man complains that his poorer 
neighbors — many of whom he probably employs— vote 
against his interest, you will find that he conducts himself 
toward them selfishly, and thus loses the influence which 
his wealth naturally gives him if he rightlv uses it. 

8. Under Our System the States Have the Exclusive 
Power. — Under our system the states have the exclusive 
power of declaring, each for itself, which of the citizens shall 
vote; being prohibited only from excluding persons on ac- 
count of race, color, or previous condition of slavery. Thev 
cannot, however, give the franchise indiscriminately, for the 
federal government has the exclusive authority to declare 
who shall be citizens. Thus no state could allow Chinese* 
to vote, because these people are not capable, under the 
laws of the federal government, of becoming citizens. But 
any state may adopt an educational or property franchise 
or condition, only making it equally applicable to all citi- 
zens. 

* This is still a dispntetl qopstion. Chinamen hare been admitte<i 
to naturulizaCioii privileRcs. AlthouRli thero is uo definite law aguinst 
it, yet no Kt;ito_ would do likely to attempt to pass a law crantine 
oitizonBliip to this despised race, knowing that sach a statute woula 
b« AoDtested in the cuurte. 



CUMULATIVE VOTING. 193 

The Ballot Reform Movement. 

The following is a list of the states and territories which 
have adopted new ballot laws based more or less on the 
Australian system: 

1888 — Kentucky (applying only to Louisville), Massachu- 
setts. 

1889 — Connecticut, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Mis- 
souri, Montana, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Wisconsin. 

1890 — Maryland (applying to Baltimore), New Jersey, 
New York, Oklahoma, Vermont, Washington, Wyoming. 

1891 — Arkansas, California, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, 
Maine, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Ohio, 
Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Oregon, West Virginia, Colo- 
rado. 

1892 — Iowa, Maryland (whole state), Mississippi. 

1893 — Alabama, Kansas, Kentucky, Nevada, Texas, and 
m Florida for the city of Jacksonville. 

1894 — Virginia. 

The only states in which some form of reformed ballot- 
ing' does not yet exist are: Georgia, Louisiana, North Caro- 
Jiw, South Carolina. 



Cumulative Voting. 

1. Representation of Minority. — "The majority shaH 
rule," is a principle accepted by all persons devoted to free 
popular government. But shall a minority have no repre- 
sentation? It seems to be the dictate of good sense and 
of justice that when any society or body is represented in 
government, provision should be mac'e to represent its parts 
or divisions, as this is absolutely necessary to the represen- 
tation of the whole. A representative house stands in the 
place of its constituency and should embody all the essen- 
tial elements of the constituent mass. But where the will 
of the majority is regarded as if it were the whole constitu- 
ency, the majority gets more than its share of representa- 
tive power. Elections on this plan, in which the motive is 
to grasp unjust power, become costly and corrupt. Several 
plans of minority representation have been tried in Eng- 
land and United States and have proved satisfactory. 

2. The Limited Vote. — This plan has been tried in cer- 



194 CUMULATIVE VOTING. 

tain cases and certain districts in Pennsylvania, New York 
and Illinois. According to this plan the vnter is forbidden 
to vote for the whole number to be chosen, but is autho' 
ized to give votes singly to each of a less number or a sin- 
gle vote to one. By an amendment to the constitution of 
New York proposed by the convention of 1867 the court of 
appeals of the state was to consist of a chief judge and six 
associate judges, each voter to vote for the chief and for 
four only of the associate judges. By means of this arrange- 
ment the political minority of the state, at the first election 
under the amendment secured two of the six associate 
judges of the court. This system is used in the election of 
judges in Cook county, including Chicago, and in localities 
in Pennsylvania and New York in the reelection of various 
ofifirers. 

3. The Cumulative Plan. — This is considered the better 
system. In the Illinois constitution of 1870 we have it in an 
important application, exhibiting all i s characteristic fea- 
tures. The section referred to is as follows: "The house 
of representatives shall consist of three times the number 
of the members of the senate and the term of office shall be 
two years. Three representatives shall be elected in each 
senatorial district, at the general election in the year 1872, 
and every two years thereafter. In all elections of repre- 
sentatives aforesaid each (lualified voter may cast as many 
votes for one candidate as there are representatives to be 
elected, or may distribute the same, or equal parts thereof 
among the candidates as he shall see fit, and the candidates 
highest in vote shall be declared elected." Under this sys- 
tem the voters are permitted to give all three of their votes 
to one candidate or to distribute them at pleasure. 

4. Both Parties Represented. — By this plan both of the 
great parties have a representative in every district, for by 
concentrating their votes on one candidate a minority may 
be reasonably certain of electing him. 

5. Even Division of House.- Since the adoption of this 
system the House in the Illinois legislature is generally 
very evenly divided. The Senate has been republican for 
years, but the House has repeatedly had a democratic 
majority, thus preventing partisan legislation. 

6. Hov7 Logan was Elected. — There are 51 districts in 
Illinois, thus making 61 senators and 153 representatives. 
In the election of a U. S. Senator 103 votes are necessary to 
elect. The last time that John A. Logan was elected the 
united houses numbered 102 rejiublicans and lu2 democrats. 
Day after day the houses united at twelve o'clock and the 
result was always the same. At last a republican represen- 




SEN. JOHN M. PALMER, 
Springfield, IIL 



195 



196 CUMULATIVE VOTING, 

tative died. This did not change matters for then voting 
ceased until a representative was elected to fill the vacancy. 
Then a democrat representing a very strong democratic 
district died. The republicans, presiimablv, made no efiFort 
to elect a man for "the district is overwhelmingly demo- 
cratic." This put the democrats off their guard. Many 
did not go to the polls because the republicans did 
not vote and a democrat would be elected without 
any effort on their part. About two hours before the 
closing of the pulls, the republicans came in from all 
quarters. It was found that they had secretly arranged 
this plan so as to catch the democrats. The democrats 
attempted to rally their forces, but it was too late and the 
republicans elected their man. This is how Logan was 
elected. 

7. A Representative Although Expensive System. — In 
1891 the Illinois legislature had lUl democrats, lUU republi- 
cans and 3 populists. For six weeks the joint houses 
b illoted each day at an enormous expense to the state. 
The dead lock was finailv broken by the populists returning 
to their old parties, thus elecung John M. Palmer, the 
democratic candidate. 






SHALL WOMLN VOTE.'' 



197 




MWi,:; '/■.•'; Ill , , 






B^. 



J / 



:^:'\--% 



I ■■ '11 



« 












:M'f 



#'^-^'** . 



MRS. GROVER CLEVELAND. 



Shall Women Vote? 

I. The Question Agitated.— This is a question that s 
demanding the consideration of ihe American people as 
never before. It is not a new question, but is being agita- 
ted everywhere and will not be settled until woman has 
ec"»al suffrage with man. 



14 



198 SHALL WOMEN VOTE. 

2. Opposition. — While the question o£ woman's sufifr'\ge 
is rapidly pushing itself to the front, it is not without oppo- 
sition from some good, true-hearted, and well-meaning men. 
For years we have heard of organizations that tend to pro- 
mote the cause of woman's suffrage, and many battles have 
already been won through the influence of these organiza- 
tions. It may seem strange, but the fears of some are so 
great that equal suffrage will win, that organizations are 
being effected to oppose the granting of the ballot to 
women. 

3. Unfounded Fears. — The knowing" ones predict terri- 
ble consequences, in their anxiety to conserve woman's 
modesty and native delicacy, and are quite certain that 
home sanctities will be irremediably outraged now that 
women are getting their political eyes opened. Infants are 
to be loft desolate, or consigned to the tender mercies of 
their papas, while the "new woman" goes gadding round to 
election meetings, and meddling generally with things she 
cannot possibly, and never will, understand. But our very 
shrewd fathers and brothers are not justified at all in their 
pessinnsm. 

4. Woman's Elevation as Civilization Advances. — The 
Indian squaw is no better than a slave. She does the work 
while the Indian whiles away his time in idleness, in hunt- 
ing, or in smoking. 

India and the countries of the East present spectacles of 
men who are "lords of creation, ' and women who have no 
rights that men need respect. But as the benign influences 
of civilization and Christianity reach these darkened cor- 
ners of the earth, woman is being elevated and made an 
equal with man. 

In Europe, the large standing armies, where men are re- 
quired to spend their best years in comparative idleness, 
compel women to engage in hard manual labor. No won- 
der that the foreigner, accustomed to sights like the cut 
on opposite page is opposed to woman's suffrage. 

5. W. C. T. U. — The Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union has been and still is a mighty factor in solving what 
some term the ve.xed woman question. The latent power 
of thousands has been revealed, new avenues have opened 
until to-day woman is ready to compete with man in almost 
any calling. 

6. The Scripture Argument. — Many claim that woman's 
suffrage is contrary to Scripture. Some remind us that 
Paul told wives to be subject to their husbands in every- 
thing. Paul also told sons to obey their parents and ser- 
vants to be subject to their masters. Yet no one objects to 




^-tHk 







if 






ii- .1 




]y9 



200 JHALL WOMEN VOTEr 

the voting of servants and sons. The deference and obedi- 
ence which the members of a household may owe in the 
household to the father of the family, does not affect their 
rights and duties as citizens. 

Again, how is it contrary to Scripture to let a woman vote 
on state and municipal questions, yet in accordance 
w'th Scripture to lot her vote on church questions? 

.,. N fleeting Domestic Affairs. — Judge Kingman, for 
four years a judge of the U. S. Supreme Court of Wyoming, 
says: 'I do not believe that suffrage causes women to 
neglect their domestic affairs. Certainly, such has not been 
the case in Wyoming, and I never heartl a man complain 
that his wife was less interested in domestic economy be- 
cause she had the right to vote, and took an interest in 
making the community respectable." Whatever tends to 
make woman a more intelligent companion for her husband, 
and a more broad-minded mother to her children, is a dis- 
tinct benefit to the home. 

8. Civil Rights. — It is asabsurb to deny all women their 
civil rights because the cares of the household and family 
take up all the time of some, as it would be to exclude the 
whole male sex from Congress because some men are sail- 
ors, or soldiers in active service, or merchants whose business 
requires all their attention and energies. 

9. The Legal Aspect. — Does our sense of natural justice 
dictate that the being who is to suffer under laws shall first 
personally assent to them? that the being whose industry 
government is to burden should have a voice in fixing the 
character and amount of that burden? Then, while woman 
is admitted to the gallows, the jail, and the tax-list, we have 
no right to debar her from the ballot-box. 

ID. Strange Argument. — Suppose woman, though equal, 
toiliffer essentially in her intellect from man, is that any 
ground for disfranchising her? Shall the Fultons say to the 
Raphaels, " Because you cannot make steam-engines, there- 
fore you shall not vote?" Shall the Napoleons or the 
Washingtons say to the Wadsworths or the Herschels, 
" Because you cannot lead armies and govern states, there- 
fore you shall have no civil rights? 

II. The Ballot an Educator.— The ballot is an educator, 
and its benefits can be seen hv contrasting the descendant 
of Jamestown or Plymouth, educated by his ballot, and the 
descendant of the same European ancestors who have grown 
up under a monarchy and never been allowed to choose. 
There have always been men glad to share with woman 
every advantage. Hence .\inerican women are as wreli 
informed as men, have as much patriotism and are just as 
capable oi choice. 




THE WOMAN WHO DOES NOT CARE TO VOTE. 

201 



^fi SHAI.T. WOMFV VATF? 

12. Guardian of Her Children.— Grant that woman's 
intellect be essentially different, even inferior, if ycu choose, 
still, while our civilization allows her to hold property and 
to be the guardian of her children, she is entitleci to such 
education and to such civil rights— voting among the rest 
— as Will enable her to orotect both her children and her 
estate. It is easy to indulge in dilettanti speculation as to 
woman's sphere and in the female intellect. But leave 
dainty speculation and come down to practical life. Here 
is a young widow; she has children and abilitv, if you will 
let her exercise it, to give her the best advantage ot educa- 
tion to secure them every chance of success in life, or she 
has i:)ruperty to keep for them and no friends to rely on. 
Shall she leave them to sink in the unequal struggles of 
life? Shall she trust their all to any adviser money can 
buy in order to t,ratify your taste and give countenance to 
your nice theories? or shall she use r-U the powers God has 
given her for those He has thrown upon her protection? II 
we consult common senit and leave theories alone there is 
but one answer. 

13. A Source of Domcatic Trouble. — Let women vote! 
cries one. "Why, wives and daughters might be Demo- 
crats, wh ie their fathers and husbands w^ere Whigs. It 
would never do. It would produce endless quarrels." And 
the self-satisfied objector thinks he has settled the question. 

But if the princi[)le be a sound one, why not ajjply it in 
a still more important instance. Difference of religion 
breeds more quarrels than difference ia politics. Yet we 
allow women to choose tli,iir own religious creeds, although 
we thereby run tho risk of wives being Episcopali ins while 
their husbands are i^Iethodists.or daughters benig Catholics 
while their fathers are Calvinists. Vet, who this side of 
Turkey dare claim that the law should compel women to 
have no religious creed, or adopt that of their male rela- 
tives? Practically this freedom in religion has made no 
dil'ficulty; and probably equal freedom in politics would 
make as little. 

14. Clear the List and Let Her Try.— Some reply. "It will 
be a si.\-iA\ mjiuy to feminine delicacy and refinement for 
woman tominglein busines and politii s ' Of such objections 
on this and kindred subjects, I love to dispose in some such 
ivay as this: The broadest and most far-sighted intellect is 
utterly unable to foresee the ultimate consequences of any 
great social change. .Ask yourself on all such occasions if 
there be any clement of right and wrong in the quesiion, 
any principle of clear natural justice that turns the scale. 
If so, take your part with the I'crfect and abstract right. 




THE WOMAN WHO WOULD VOTE. 



20i WHERE WOMEN HAVE THE RIGHT TO VOTE. 

and trust God to se-e that it shall prove the expedient. The 
qaestions, then, for me on this subject are these: Mas 
God made woman capable — morally, intellectually, and 
physically— of taking this part in human affairs? Then, 
what God made her able to do, it is a strong argument that 
He inteiickd she should do. 

15. Leave it to Woman. — We du ijot attempt to settle 
what shall be the profession, education, or employment of 
woman. We have not that presumption. What we ask is 
simply this, what all other classes have asked before: Leave 
it to woman to choose for herself her profession, her educa- 
tion, and her sphere. We deny to any portion of the species 
the right to prescribe to any other portion its sphere, its 
education, or its rights. We deny the right of any individual 
to prescribe to any other individual his amount of educa- 
tion or his r ghts. The sphere of each man, of each woman, 
of each individual is that sphere which he can, with the 
highest exercise of his powers, perfectly fill. The highest 
act which the human being can do, that is the act which 
God designed him to do. 

16. Marching to the Front. — Whether we are in fa\ or 
of this moveuieiit or not, argument will never settle it. 
The freedom of the press, the freedom of labor, the 
freedom of the race in its lowest classes, was never 
argued to success. The moment you can get women to 
go out into the highway of life and show by aciive 
valor what God has created her for, that moment this 
cjuestion is settled forever. One solid fact of a woman's 
making her fortune in trade will teach the male sex what 
woman's capacity is. Examples are not wanting to day. 
The women are determined to have it, and men who do 
not agree with them miglit as well as not reconcile them- 
selves to the inevitable. In three states women have uni- 
versal suffrage already. W'lih the many organizations 
already existing that aid them in their effort, and a host of 
intelligent broad-minded men to support their cause, there 
J6 no question as to the final disposition of the matter. 

Where Women Have the Right to 

Vote. 

In Great Britain women vcite for all elective officers, 
except members of Parliament. 

In France the women teacliers elect women on all xh' 
J3oards of Education. 

In Sweden women vote for all elective officers except 
Representatives; also, indirectly, for members of the House 
of Lords. 



aMUmI 







^-£. 






^^^*:- 
^J^^^^ 







I 

~^*^?Sf IPIv lilP 



V/OMAN'S RIGHTS. 



m 



14 



206 



WHKRI-: WOMEN HAVE THE RIGHT TO VOTE. 



In Norway they have school suffrage. 

In Ireland the women vote for the harbor boards and 
I'oor 1 aw Guardians, and in Belfast for municipal oliicers. 

In Russia women householders votu for all elective offi- 
cers and on all local matters. 

In Finland tin y vdte for all elective officers. 

In Austria-Hungary they vote by proxy for all elective 
officers. 

In Crotia and Dalmatia they have the privilege of doing 
so in local elections in person. 

In Italy widows vote for members of Parliament. 

In the Madras Presidency and the Dombay I'residency 
(Hindustan), the women exercise the right of suffrage in all 
municipalities. 

In ad the countries of Russian Asia they can do so wher- 
ever a Russian colony settles. The Russians are colonizing 
the whole of their vast Asian possessions and carrying with 
them everywhere the "mir," or self-governing village, 
wherein women who are the heads of households are per- 
mitted to vote. 

Women have municipal suffrage in Cape Colony, which 
rules a million square miles. 

Iceland, in the North Atlantic; the Isle of Man, between 
England and Ireland, ami Pitcairn Island, in the South 
Pacific, have full women suffrage. 

In the Dominion of Canada women have munn- pal suf- 
frage in every province, and also in the Northwe^l Terri- 




"Darn My Stockings. What man could do !t? 




MAN'S FEARS REALIZED, 
Women at the Polls. 

207 



208 



WilKKE WOMEN HAVE THE RIGHT TO VOTE. 



tories. In Ontario they vote for all elective officers, except 
in the elections of members of Legislature and Parliament. 

In Nev7 Zealand women have the same suffrage rights 
as have men. 

In the United States, besides the three states, Wyoming, 
Utah and Colorado, giving full women suffrage, the folk>\v- 
ing grant school suffrage in various degrees: Connecticut, 
Illinois, Iowa, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, Massachusetts, 
Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, Xew Jersey, New 
York, Ohio, Oregon, North Dakota, South Dakota, Vermont, 
Washington, and Wisconsin. 

In Delaware suffrage is exercised "by women in several 
municipalities. 

In Kansas they have equal suffrage with men at all 
munfcipal elections. About 50,000 women voted in 1890. 




TALKING POLITICS AT HOIViE. 



In Wyoming women have voted on the same terms 
with men since 1S70. The convention in 1889 to form a 
State Convention imanimously inserted a provision secur- 
ing them full suffrage. This constitution was ratified by 
the voters at a special election by about three-fourths ma- 
jority. Congress refused to reijuire the disfranchisement 
of women and admitted the state July 10, 1^90. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Rise and Fall of Political Parties. 

1. History Repeats Itself.— "History repeats itself" is 
an old proverb, but it is true in too general sense to be a 
practical guide to America. No other nation ever came 
into existence as we did. The most active, adventurous, 
unselfish, original, and forceful spirits of the world came 
here, not to seek homes only, but to get out of an atmos- 
phere too conservative for merit to grow in. On their 
arrival new ambitions were awakened, new incentives 
quickened their thoughts, and new fields for political and 
even religious inquiries were opened before them. Words 
grew into new significance never before applied to them. 

2. Name Pioneer. — It would fill a volume to describe 
the name pioneer in its grandness, since the pioneer spirit 
took possession of the American mind, and began the work 
of producing new States, bringing true merit to the front, 
and exalting the nation by growing up Washington, Jeffer- 
son, Abraham Lincoln, and other great men from the politi- 
cal germ of a virgin soil planted by pioneers. 

3. Political Parties Are of Slow Growth in Europe.— 
Political parties are of slow growth in Europe, and their 
issues limited within the interests of a dynasty cemented 
together by religious holds on the conscience acting in con- 
junction with a financial grip that disperses bread to a 
nation of landless rent payers. 

4. The Civil Rights of Man.— While we, like Europe, 
inherited science from Greece, neither we nor England 
inherited our political policy from her. She taught us 
astronomy but not the laws of a land tenure nor the civil 
rights of man. Civil rights have come to us under the 
quickening influence of nature's broad domain, spread out 
before us on the plains of the New Word. Here was an 
immaculate page on which to write the policy of a nation 
whose children and youth have rounded up into manhood's 
proportion, not lean with hunger nor plethoric with abused 
authority. 

5. Political Parties.— Neither the Roman nor the Saxon 
nor the Norman invasion of England produced any popu- 
lar political parties. The people continued of one mind 
through all these changes as much as they were under the 
Druid Age. They had no opinion nor any knowledge of 
the situation as to any policy except the one foreshadowed 
by their rulers. But after a hiatus of inert years two oppos- 
ing elements came into collision with each other, not on 
political issues but religious — the Cavaliers and the Puri- 
tans. These were the first popular issues in England, but 

2oy 



T?ISF AND RAGE OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 

a political issue took root with them, arraligtd under the 
names of Whigs and Tories. 

6. Whigs and Tories.— The Tories, advocates of the 
Divine Rights of Kings, and the Whigs, though loyal to the 
Crown, wished to subject its authority to Parliament. This 
issue is still before the English people, and though in a 
modified form, was manifest m the late policy of Gladstone 
in his atteniDtsto establish Home Rule for Ireland, a great 
question not yet settled. The old Whijj party are now 
called Liberals, but the Tories have changed neither their 
name nor principles, being stalwart advocates of the pre- 
rogative of the Crown and defenders of the House Lords. 
.Such was and is now the partisanship of a nation whom we 
are proud to own as our parent state. 

During the Commonwealth of England, as might be 
supposed, the issue between the Whigs and^ Tories was 
taken up by the American colonies, but the Whigs were in 
the majority exce()t in the ^'irginia colony. 

■7. The "Declaratory Act."— Moderation is a rare qual- 
ity 111 nations or even individuals when under the inspira- 
tion of success, and England was no exception to the rule. 
Her American colonies had always been loyal to her, and 
^roni appearances at that time it seemeci manifested that a 
revenue might be drawn from them without disturbing the 
harmonious relations. Under this unfounded confidence in 
their submissive spirit, the English Parliament in 1763 
passed what was termed "The Declaratory Act " the object 
of which was to make it legal to tax the American Colonies. 

Put this was not done without opposition. 

8. The Stamp Act.— Not without a strong opposition in 
the Pritish Cabinet the Stamp Act was passed soon after the 
Enabling Act, and the time of its taking effect being set in 
1765. 

During this interim able advocates of constitutional 
rights, both in England and America, have laid down 
principles which neither words could K>gically answer nor 
can time obliterate their force. They are as fresh now as 
when they came from the tongues of both the English and 
the American rejiresentatives of constitutional law at that 
time. Mr. Pitt, in his opposition to the Stamp Act, in re- 
ferring to the days of the French and Indian War, the suc- 
cess of which was due to his premiership, called attention 
to certain members of the Cabinet who, during that event- 
ful period, proposed to tax the colonics by means of a stamp 
act, used the following language: "Not that there were 
wanting some, when I had this honor to serve his majesty, 
to propose to me f<^ burn my fingers with the American 
Stamp Act." 



RISE AND RAGE OF POLITICAI. ISSUES. '^II 

9. The Stamp Act Repealed.— The Stamp Act was re- 
pealed by Parliament as a palliative ere the time had 
elapsed for its enforcement, but other acts were passed, 
such as the revival of the navigation laws, which had long 
been a dead letter, but now to be actually enforced. 

These laws subjected certain articles of merchandise to 
an e.vcise duty, but the opposition to being taxed in this 
way was so great, and so many impediments thrown in the 
way of executing them, that the British Cabinet yielded to 
the inevitable fate and practically abandoned the policy 
that had been tried, but in vain. 

10. The Article of Tea.— The article of tea was the 
only exception, and an attempt was made by the East India 
Company to introduce this trade into Boston, relying on suc- 
cess by making the price of tea, even with its duties added, 
cheaper than its market value in England. On it arrival in 
Boston harbor the whole town turned out, and from the 
thousands who beheld this subtle attempt to circumvent the 
will of the Bostonians, a few stalwart Whigs of the Anneri- 
can type, disguised themselves in the garb of Indians, 
boarded the tea laden vessels and emptied the politically 
cou.raband contents into the sea. Years passed away be- 
fore anyone ever knew who these men were. The last sur- 
vivor of this number died about forty years ago, and his 
iron framed picture adorns many a gallery throughout the 
country. 

11. Firct Colonial Congress. — As the Chameleon 
changes color according to its contiguity to shades, so the 
public conscience, impelled by the evolutions of English 
law, first demanded redress, next independence, and next, 
to secure it, demanded a sword, the last argument to 
which manhood resorts. The Colonial Congress assembled 
in New York, 1765. The Continental Congress assembled 
in Philadelphia, 1774, at which latter place maturity of 
thought reached its limit in a declaration of independence, 
July 4th, 1776. This marvelous demand, without a parallel 
in history, struck not only England, but Europe and the 
world, with astonishment. 

12. Articles of Confederation. — Two years later, July 
4, 1778, articles of confederation and perpetual union were 
signed. American Whigs were now called rebels in Eng- 
land, while American Tories still retained the name in both 
countries. Most of them left America for their political 
home, and here it ought not to be omitted that these 
royalists were composed of a highly respectable element in 
society. 



2]:l RISF. AND RAGE OF POMTICAL ISSUES. 

13. The Sword Was Drawn. — Social ties were severed, 
lovers were parted never to meet again, and even kindred 
ties were absolved; for the sword was drawn, not to be re- 
turned to its scabbard till Europe was deluged in war, and 
till a new nation was born, and a new plan to be unfolded 
as the popular heart willed it. 

From that time to the present this nation has been 
mounting from strength to strength, and its inventive gen- 
ius, the admiration of the world, has furnished many a 
model to be copied by this world, or be left behind in the 
progress of grandeur. It is not always strange that a 
nation of thinkers should give birth to a variety of political 
parties, each holding themselves to be virtues of inde- 
pendence. 

14. Declaration of Independence. — Seventy represen- 
tatives of the original proposers of purposes of this nation 
signed the Declaration of Independence, and in their 
Declaration none of the principles evolved in the govern- 
ments of Europe were borrowed, but the principles of 
popular thought in America were summarized into an 
epitome by Thomas Jefferson, none of which were more 
original with Iimu than with his peeis at that time, but his 
forcible style ot formulating them was the admiration of 
America and the astonishment of Europe. 

15 Peace Commissioners. — During the war which 
followed the first substantial success that crowned the 
victories of Bennington and Saratoga, by the latter of which 
General Burgoyne's armies sent Peace Commissioners 
to .America, and to use a metaphor, gave the Continental 
Congress a blank sheet on which to write the terms on 
which peace could be made, promising to accept any- 
thing short of absolute independence This offer was 
declined. The next year the British renewed the offer 
during the darke-t hours of the war, but Congress was aa 
firm as ever in its original purpose, whereupon the Eng- 
lish Commissioners with an assurance that never had a 
parallel in history, asked of the cabinet the privilege to 
circulate documents among the people, embodying the 
substance of this offer. It was refused, nor was it compli- 
mentary to the cabinet to suppose it possible that it would 
grant any overtures that might create in the public mind, 
especially one at variance with the unanimous will of this 
firm body of men. 

16. France —The best apology for this puerile piece of 
diplomacy on the part of our British fathers is that drown- 
ing men catch at straws. The tirst fruitage of the capture 
of Burgoyne's armi' wasoiir treaty with France, whereby 
that power made a' solemn cledge not to make peace with 



RISE AND RAd OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 213 

Great Britain until our independence was secured. Later in 
the war Cornwallis and his army were taken prisoners at 
Yorktown by a timely union of the forces under Washing- 
ton himself and our generous ally La Fayette. This victory 
in effect won our cause; but the treaty by which peace was 
to be secured was long delayed on account of the compli- 
cated conditions of it, not only pertaining to France but 
also to Spain. The latter power had been reluctantly 
drawn into a war with England by events not within the 
scope of these pages. She was no friend to America, and it 
was political torture for her to fight the British when every 
gun she fired was indirectly assisting her rival on American 
soil for territory, as she then owned Florida and the entire 
territory west of the Mississippi, together with New Orleans 
and its surroundings east of that stream. 

17. Other Impediments. — Besides these, other impedi- 
ments acted as friction to delay making a peace treatv 
which were the title and character by which the American 
Commissioners were to be rtteived at the negotiations for 
peace which were to be held at Paris. What were they? 
Were they the Plenipotentiaries of a nation, or commis- 
sioners from American colonies to treat for peace? If the 
former, the main question was concluded in advance, and 
there was little to treat on left. If thelatter, they went into 
the convention on humble terms which were degrading to 
the nation they represented. 

18. The Illustrious Men.— John Adams, John Jay, 
Benjamin Franklin, and Henry Lawrence were the illus- 
trious men who held the honor of America in their hands, 
and they were equal to the occasion. After long delay the 
king consented to treat with the American Commissioners 
as representatives of a nation defacto. The question of 
boundary was not the only difficult one to settle, and Spain 
was the disturbing element in this issue. Her king was of 
Bourbon blood, like the French king, and by virtue of the 
family contract between these thrones they were to guar- 
antee to each other the integrity of the respective territory 
of each, and, although the demand of the American Com- 
missioners was the Mississippi, and its western limits in- 
volved no territorial loss to Spain, yet it gave the new 
nation a great start at the onset over herself as to territory, 
and Spain used her utmost influence to make the Alleghany 
Mountains the line, leavingthe territ<^- / intervening therein 
and the Mississippi open to the progress of future condi- 
tion. 



214 RrSE AND RAGE OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 

19. The American Commissioners. — But the American 
Commissioners were tirni in liiuirdemand of the Mississippi 
as the western line, and the treaty, after much delay, was 
signed to this effect by Messrs. Adams, Franklin and Jay 
on the part of America, Mr. Lawrence being not present, 
and by David Hartley on the part of England. 

20. Treaty of Peace. — Thus closed the American Rev- 
olution at Paris, September 3, 1783, bringing a nation 
into the great family of nations with but one fiolitical party, 
but whose various interests were destined to develop others 
in the future. 

There was no one living at this date who fully under- 
stood or conceived the magnitude of the victory won by 
war and secured by the terms of the treaty. During the 
war, few if any one tried to forecast the future. The con- 
federacy of the colonies really had terminated its union 
when the war ceased. It was not fitted to the emergencies 
of a nation, as was soon proven. It could not deal with 
foreign questions nor had the government made any pro- 
posed plans to meet any such emergency and did not till a 
necessity for it existed. 

21. Centraliztd Power. — The bitter expressions of the 
colonists brought to light when the strong arm of the crown 
tried to abridge their constitutional rights as English sub- 
jects, had made each of the confederated states jealous of 
centralized power lest it might set bounds to the authority 
of the state subversive of freedom, and under this convic- 
tion private citizens were reluctant to recognize any cen- 
tralized power above the state. 

22. During a session of the Continental Congress held 
March 3, 1786, initial steps were taken to formulate a con- 
stitution. 

During the deliberation of this Congress arguments were 
made against the proposed measures on the ground that 
they would terminate in a constitutional monarchy. But 
such suspicions were quieted by the logic of Hamilton, 
Adams and Jay, who while deserving the chief credit for 
drafting our Constitution were ably assisted by many other 
of our model statesmen of that prolific age in the growth of 
eminent Americans. 

23. Sacred to the Rights of Man. — Who but the pro- 
fouudest thinkers the world ever produced could make so 
perfect a framework wherewith to build a nation? Where 
>n Plnglish literature was ever the exigencies of a nation so 
amply provided for.-" What other monument was ever so 
sacred to the rights of man? The following account of the 
manner of this guide to national grandeur is copied from 
"The Rights of Man." bv Thomas I'aine: 



RISE AND RACK OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 215 

"The powers vested in the governments of the several 
states, by the state constitutions, were found, upon experi- 
ence, to be too great, and those vested in the federal gov- 
ernment, by the act of federation, too little. The defect 
was not in the principle, but in the distribution of power. 

24. A Continental Conference. — " Numerous publica- 
tions in pamphlets and newspapers appeared on the 
propriety and necessity of newly modeling the Federal 
government. After some time of public discussion, carried 
on through the channel of the press and in conversations, 
the state of Virginia, experiencing some inconvenience with 
respect to commerce, proposed holding a continental con- 
ference, in consequence of which a deputation from five or 
six of the state assemblies met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in 
1780. This meeting, not conceiving itself sufficiently 
authorized to go into the business of a reform, did not more 
than state their general opinions of the propriety of the 
measures and recommend that a convention of all the states 
shouM be held the following year. 

"This convention met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, of 
which General Washington was elected president. He was 
not at that time connected with any of the state governments 
or with Congress. He delivered up his commission when 
the war ended, and since then had lived a private citizen. 

25. A Federal Constitution. — "The convention went 
deeply into all the subjects, and having after a variety of 
debate and investigation agreed among themselves upon 
the several parts of a federal Constitution, the next question 
was the manner of giving it authority and practice. 

"They first directed that the proposed Constitution 
should be published. Second, that each state should elect 
a convention expressly for the purpose of taking it into 
consideration and of ratifying or rejecting it; and that as 
soon as the approbation and ratification of any nine states 
should be given, those states should proceed to the election 
of their proportion of members of the new federal govern- 
ment, and that the operation of it should then begin, and 
the former federal government cease. 

26. Ratified the Constitution. — "The several states pro- 
ceeded accordingly to electtheir conventions; some of those 
conventions ratified the Constitution by a very large 
majority, and in two or three unanimously. In others there 
was much debate and division of opinion. In the Massa- 
chusetts convention, which met at Boston, the majority was 
not above nineteen or twenty, in about three hundred mem- 
bers; but such is the nature of representative government, 
that it quietly decides all matters by majoritv. . fter the 



210 RISE AND RAGE OF POLITICAL ISSUES. 

debate in the Massachusetts conveution was closed, and 
the vote taken, the objecting members arose and declared 
'that though they had argued and voted agaiust it because 
certain parties appeared to them in a different light to what 
they did to other members, j-et, as the vote had been 
decided in favor of the Constitution as proposed, they 
should give it the same practical support as if they had 
voted for it.' 

"As soon as the nine states had concurred and the 
rest followed in the ordt^r their conventions were elected, 
the old fabric of the federal government was taken down 
and a new one erected." 

27. The Federalists and the Anti-Federalists. — While 
the convention was in session, the debates on such articles 
in it as might be prejudicial to the broadest principles 
of freedom, or to the individual rights, called forth nice 
distinctions between the rights of the masses and those 
of the high bred man of mind and of culture born to rule. 
These conditions, drawn from nature and education com- 
bined, cannot fail to have a controlling influence in juris- 
prudence; but constitutionally they irmst be subject to the 
same laws as govern other conditions. The old federal 
fathers of the nation were the brainiest men in the world; 
but the commoner element must have their voice in this 
matter, and the debates drew forth, and anticipated the 
wants of all classes; and, in doing this, erected two political 
parties, the Federalists and Anti-Federalists being the first 
political parties after the adoption of the Constitution. The 
anti- Federalists assumed the name Republicans about 1791. 

28. First President.— The first Wednesday in January, 
1789, was appointed for the choice of electors for President 
and Vice-President of the United States, and the first 
Wednesday in the following February for the voting of 
the electors. They were 69 in number, all of whom voted 
for Washington for President. John Adams had i{4 votes 
for Vice-President, and 35 were cast for other candidates. 




THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IX AMFTTCA. 




THE HON. MR. RUSSELL, OF MASSACHUSETTS, 

The Origin of Political Parties in 

America. 

1. The Bitterness of Party Spirit.— The bitterness of 
party spirit is nev^er to be excused or defended, much less 
commended, yet the existence of parties seems unavoidable 
.n the conditions of our people, and should not be regarded 
as necessarily an evil. They promote watchfulness on the 
part of the people, and render it next to impossible for those 
.1 power to betray their trust or to cherish abuses that im- 
peril the nation. 

2. The Political Parties of the Colonial Period were 
transplants from the mother country, with issues allied to 
*hose which represented the divisions of public sentiment 
on the other side of the ocean. The Tory was the loyalist 
party in England, which supported the prerogatives of the 
Crown, and defended its exactions and tyrannies, often to 
•.he hazard of the liberties and prosperity of the people. 

3. The Liberalists of that day, both in England and in 
:he colonies, were known as Whigs. They stood for f^" 
lights of the people, under constitutional governmei... 
against the aggressions of the Crown. In the estimation of 
the Tory, the people exist for the government; but in the 
estimation of the Whig, the government exists for the people. 

4. The Revolution. — During the period of the Revolu- 
f.on the words Tory and Whig fitly expressed the senti- 
ments of the parties m their relation to the mighty struggle, 




^-k 






«." ■ 




h 

u 
oi 

< 



U :^^-' 



2l< 



THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN AMERICA. 219 

Dut, after independence, the word " Tory " became too ob- 
noxious to loyal Americans ever to be used in this country 
as the name of a political party. The word " Whig " never 
incurred odium of any sort, but it lost much of its siirniP- 
cance in the new conditions which followed the war, par- 
ticularly under the Artick-s of Confederation. 

5. The Federalist Party. — Those who favored the 
making of a constitution and secured its adoption, belie"ing 
in a sirong Federal government, were designated Federal- 
ists, while those who opposed it in the interest of larger jjow- 
ers for the states were called Republicans. These were ihe 
parties under the Constitution. The Federalists elected the 
first President, George Washington, and set the new gov- 
ernment in operation. They interpreted the grants of 
power made in the Constitution quite liberally, assuming 
that the purpose of that instrument was to constitute the 
United States an independent sovereignty. 

6. The Opposition Grew. — The Federalist party, after 
incorporating its essential principles in the government, and 
electing Washington twice and" John Adams once, would 
seem to have had prestige and power enough to maintain 
itself and conquer opposition; but the opposition grew in 
intensity and virulence, and the party in power fell under 
odium through the unwise action of some of its adherents 
who, in its name, sought for enlargements of power not in 
the Constitution and never contemplated by the real found- 
ers of the government. 

7. Democratic-Republican Party. — In the meantime 
the opposition, then known as the Democratic-Republican 
party, had acquiesced in the adoption of the Constitution, 
accepted its provisions, increased in public favor and gath- 
ered strength to gain control of the government by the 
election of Thomas Jefferson to the presidency. By this 
time the original issues between the parties had passed 
away, and new questions had arisen, so that "Federalist" 
and "Republican'' had come to mean something widely dif- 
ferent from the ideas which were attached to them m the 
earlier history of the parties. 

8. The Party of Jefferson and Madison. — The party of 
Jefferson and Madison, the first competitor of the party 
which elected Washington and Adams, became the 
party of the government upon the accession of Mr. 
Jefferson, and, in the broadest sense, the National party, 
the events i)receding and causing the war of 1812 
contributing largely to the expansion of its principles, 
as well as to its triumph, in the complete overthrow of the 
Federalist party. 



2'2t THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL l-AKliKS IN AMERICA. 

9. Re-Elected Without Oppositicn.— The people who 
supported Jefferson and Madison approved tne enlarge- 
jiieiit of their ideas, carried the war to a successful issue, 
and elected Mr. Monroe to the presidency, leaving the 
remnant of the Fecieralist party scattered and powerless. 
Under Monroe's first administration the old issues became 
obsolete, and party organizations ceased to exist. He was 
le-elected substantially without opposition. In the fullest 
tense he was the President of the people. When his sec- 
ond term expired there were no organized parties to pu: 
candidates in the field, after the modern methods. The 
old Federalist party was dead; the old Republican party 
Lad outgrown itself as a party, had expanded its creed, pos- 
sessed the government and lost identity as a party in suc- 
cessful administration. No existing political party can 
possibly antedate this epoch in our national history — an 
epoch distinguished in our political annals as the era of 
peace and good-will. 

10. The Democratic Party. — Such was the creed of the 
Democratic party when it first became a party. That 
creed, like all creeds, was a growth. It never sprang ma- 
tured from any man's brain. Its germinal ideas accorded 
with the principles which guided Mr. Jefferson's adminis- 
tration after "^is practical statesmanship had lifted him 
above the vagaries of his earlier years, and made his con- 
duct of the government wise and vigorous. Tiie real seed- 
thoughts of tlie party, however, were found in the adminis- 
tration of Andrew Jackson, or rather in the discussions ex- 
cited by his acts while in office. The doctrines promulgated 
by his followers,which were afterward formulated into a creed 
for the party, were not made prominent in connection with 
pending cjuestions, so as to be effective in his first election. 

11. No Political Organizations. — When Mr. Monroe's 
successor was to be chosen there were no political organiza- 
tions to nominate candidates. In this condition of affairs 
what might have been anticipated came to pass. Several 
statesmen of high character were broui,'lit forward by their 
jtersonal friends as worthy to receive the electoral votes of 
the states. Adams, Jackson, Clay, Crawford and White 
became candidates, although the last two were scarcely 
recognized as such outside of their own states. The fir.-.*: 
three were the real competitors. They were all friends ot 
ihe administration; tiieir following was not partisan, but 
personal. The electoral votes were so divided that ni 
choice was mace and the election was carried into the 
House of Representatives. Jackson had the largest num- 
ber of votes, out not enough to elect him. 



THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIKS IN AMERICA. 221 

12. John Quincy Adams. — The friends of Adams and 
Cay united their forces and gave the election to Adams, 
ar.d Adams made Clay his secretary of state. This trans- 
s.ction had the appearance of barter and gave great offense 
to the followers of Jackson, who raised the cry of bargain 
and sale, and lost no time in determining to oppose the 
administration thus inaugurated. They rallied to the sup- 
port of their chief, determined to elect him at the end of 
four years, a purpose they pursued with tireless energy till 
it was accomplished. This organized opposition to John 
Ouincy Adams, in the interest of Andrew Jackson, was 
known as the Jackson party. The supporters of Adams 
•were known as the Administration party. 

13. The Whig Party. — It was inevitable that political 
parties so distinctly marked and openly struggling for suc- 
cess, should have distinguishing names. These were soon 
found. The Jackson party took the name Democrat, and 
became the Democratic party. As an organization it re- 
mains till this day. The other party took to itself the 
honored name of the party of the Revolutionary patriots, and 
tecame the Whig party. Adams was its candidate for re- 
e.ection, but failed; Jackson was elected. He was the first 
Democratic President, using the term in its modern sense, 

14. The Fate of the Whig Party.— The fate of the 
V.'hig party, coming as it did through complications with 
the slavery question, affords lessors of profound signifi- 
cance. As a party it comprised a large share of the intelli- 
cence and talent of the country. Its principles commanded 
the approval of the most gifted of the nation. Its methods 
were open and honorable; and, so far as it affected the 
legislation of the countiy, its influence was beneficial. A 
more patriotic party never sought the favor of the Amer- 
ican people; yet its success was limiteil, as it never enjoyed 
the privilege of an unbroken administration of the govern- 
ment. It el'^cted two Presidents, and both died in office. 
Its first President, General Harrison, died in a month aftei 
his inauguration, before his policy could be developed, and 
the Vice-President, on whom the duties of the presidency de- 
volved, proved untrue to the party which elected him, and 
defeated the measures on which the hearts of the people 
were set. 

15. The Abolition Party.— The downfall of the Whig- 
party dates from its defeat in 1852. The influence of the 
" Third party" was something, but not a powerful factor in 
its overtnrow. The assumption that it was a chief agency 
is not supported by the facts. In 1840 and in 1844 the 
abolition party cast an inconsiderable vote, which did not 

15 



222 THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN AMERICA. 

amount to a disturbing element in the elections of those 
years. In 1848 the "Free-Soil" party was in the field with a 
broader platform and with a greater element of strength. 
i6. Large Free-Soil Vote. — The nomination of Gen- 
eral Taylor by the Whigs alienated the Ouakers and some 
other anti-slavery people from the Whig party; while the 
nomination of Lewis Cass by the Democrat.5 offended 
many in that party, particularly in the state of New York, 
and prepared the way for the large Free-Soil vote cast 
that year — the largest ever cast. Martin Van Buren bolted 
the nomination of Cass, and he and his special adherents 
expressed sympathy with Free-Soilism, probably as much 
to defeat his old competitor. General Cass, as to advance 
the cause of freedom. He was nominated by the Free-Soil 
party and accepted. His candidacy drew from the Demo- 
crats about as many votes as were drawn from the Whigs, 
and aided not in the destruction of the Whig party, but in 
the election of General Taylor. The Free-Soil vote of 1852 
was much less than in 1S4>^. 

17. The Know-Nothing Party. — Then came the Know- 
Nothing furor, which swept the country like a tornado, dis- 
rupting party lines as nothing had ever done before. It was 
not a third party, but a movement of extraordinary charac- 
ter, forming an anomalous chapter in the history of Ameri- 
can politics. The Whig party was already out of the field, 
and never again confronted its old competitor. 

18. The Republican Party.— The Democratic party, 
though badly shattered, being in power, managed to survive 
as a party. Out of the debris came the Republican party, 
organized and drilled, ready for the fray, in 1856. Into it 
came the anti-slavery elements of all the old parties, includ- 
ing all the voters of the Free-Soil party, who were in it from 
principle. Pro-slavery Whigs went over to the Democrats. 
Thus after the culmination of the slave power, and after the 
sifting of the Know-Nothing storm, the lines of the parties 
were finally drawn upon the issues thrust upon the country 
by the aggressions of slavery. The practical question de- 
manding settlement was the extension of slavery into the 
territories. The Republican party squarely accepted this 
issue ; but, anti-slavery as it was, it proposed no interference 
with the institution in the states where it existed. 

19. Lincoln and Johnson. — Looking backward from the 
present, the discovery that the Republican party has made 
mistakes is no evidence of superior discernment. It did 
not develop its own scheme of reconstruction. The death 
of Mr. Lincoln was followed by embarrassments through 
the defection of Andrew Johnson, that crippled its opera- 



THE ORIGIN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN AMERICA, 223 

tioni, and forced contentment with half-way measures. 
With his unquestioned loyalty to the Union, Mr. Johnson 
was at heart a Democrat, and in the crisis of reconstruction 
his Democratic instincts asserted themselves, throwing into 
confusion the counsels of those who had given him power. 
In debate he was the peer of the strongest men of his times, 
and having the courage of his convictions his exercise of 
the veto power was prompt and vigorous. With less of 
kindliness toward the south than Mr. Lincoln possessed, 
his sense of obligation to the whole country and to the 
future was dull in comjiarison with that which character- 
ized his predecessor, the illustrious martyr. In these cir- 
cumstances it was impossible for the party to carry into 
effect any measure that encountered his prejudices. Com- 
promise in reconstruction was therefore inevitable. 

20. The Stamp of its Power. — Nevertheless the Re- 
publican party has been a success and as such it will pass 
into history whether it shall ever elect another President or 
not. Its fundamental principles inherited frcm the Whig 
party, and those developed in the fires of its conflicts, have 
been wrought into the fabric of the government, so that no 
party will attempt their elimination. The stamp of its power 
is in the Constitution, in the established rights of suffrage, 
in the national currency, and in everything to the mainte- 
nance of the national honor at home and abroad. 

21. Other Parties. — There have been other parties 
which have figured more or less in the political field. The 
Anti-Masonic party has Lad an ephemeral existence, but 
never reached the dignity of a national party, and exerted 
only an incidental influence in public affairs. The same is 
true of the Abolition and Free-Soil parties, previously named. 
There was an American parly, the product of Know-Noth- 
ingism, which lingered for a while after the storm, and con- 
tributed to the confusion that reigned in political circles 
during the interval between the going down of the Whig 
party and the development of the Republican party. There 
was a "Union" party in the field prior to the war, known as 
the Bell-Everett party, from the names of the candidates; 
but it wasonly a temporary expedient, a sort of post-mortem 
wriggle of defunct Whigism, where the Republican move- 
ment was unable to obtain recognition. 

22. The Prohibition Party. — The Froiiibition party came 
into the field at a later date, and exhibited greater persistency 
than some of the other "third parties," having under it a 
noble sentiment, and in it men of moral worth and philan- 
thropic aim; but even this party never had the prospect of 
reaching the goal of its ambition, and never made any direct 
contribution toward the destruction of political evils. 



224 PAKTY GOVERNMENT. 

The Prohibition party, however, has tor more than a 
quarter of a century shown a tenacity and an unswerving 
hold to principle that will, sooner or later, give it prestige 
among the great parties, or incorporate its principles in 
sop''e other great partv, not vet formed. 

23. People's Party.— The last experiment in this line, 
the so-called People's party, has puzzled and bev/ildercd 
many astute manipulators of public sentiment, yet inspiring 
a high degree of hopefulness with regard to beneficial results 

The practical lesson deducible from this summary of 
political history is that there is no foundation for a political 
party to stand upon that is either broad enough or strong 
enough to give the slightest hope of achieving success in 
controlling the affairs of the nation, except some principle 
of construing the Constitution of the United States, which is 
sufficiently far-reaching to touch every department of the 
government and to de'termine the character and genius of 
our institutions. 



Party Government. 

1. The Purchased Vote.— Elections go by extremes; 
first one way and then the other. It is thus seen that a large 
proportion of the voting population is easily changed. In 
every national election thousands and millions of dollars are 
expended directly and indirectly in the purchase of votes. 
Large sums of money pass over the bars of the saloon at 
every election, left there by candidates or their friends, for 
this unrighteous purpose, and hence men are too often 
entrusted with an office because of their influence over the 
low and vicious classes rather than on account of their fit- 
ness and qualifications. 

2. The Most Important Functions.— Among the most 
important functions of these organizations are the selection 
of candidates and the adoption of a platfcrm or declaration 
of principles. These responsible duties are intrusted to 
conventions, conijiosed of delegates chosen for the purpose 
at the i)arty elections, known as the primaries. 

3. Divisions.— Those who have so far conformed to the 
rules of a partv as to be entitled to vote at its primnries 
may be divided into two classes, as follows: 1. Citizens who 



PARTY GOVERNMENT. 225 

have no special advantages to gain, and whose only motive 
for participation is their desire for good government. 2. 
Those who are actuated by personal ambition or hopes of 
securing office, contracts, or pecuniary benefits. 

4. Time and Labor. — In order to carry the primaries a 
considerable amount of time and labor must necessarily be 
expended. The voters must communicate with each other; 
views must be compared and harmonized; candidates sug- 
gested, interviewed and agreed upon; tickets prepared and 
supplied, and concert of action secured. 

5. Trickery and Fraud.— But the majority of citizens, 
engrossed as they are with private business and family 
cares, have neither time nor inclination for such tasks. And 
when their reluctance is overcome, as it occasionally is by 
their sense of public duty, they are likely to find that their 
opponents have no hesitation in resorting to misrepresenta- 
tion, trickery, or fraud, in order to control the result. Under 
these circumstances a small but well-disciplined, energetic 
and unscrupulous minority can generally defeat the honor- 
able and patriotic majority. It is therefore not surprising 
that honest and industrious citizens are apt to conclude 
that it is useless for them to take part in such contests. 

6. Party Leaders. — Public offices, contracts and pat- 
ronage are what they work for and what they must have, 
by fair means if possible, but if not, then by whatever means 
niay be necessary. For this purpose they are obliged to 
combine among themselves and to submit to such leaders 
as may seem best able to direct their efforts and to secure 
and apportion among them the prizes they covet. Having 
once acquired complete control of a nominating convention, 
their natural desire is, of course, to nominate such candi- 
dates as will best serve their own personal interests, and in 
the absence of factional fights among themselves, the only 
real check upon this desire is their fear of losing enough of 
the more independent votes to turn the scale in the general 
elections. 

7. Candidates. — This conflict between what they would 
like to do and what they dare to do, usually results in their 
nominating such men as have no more honesty and inde- 
pendence than may seem to be absolutely necessary for 
ultimate success. And if they can secure candidates who 
are generally believed to be able and honorable, but who 
will really obey and assist the spoilsmen, the temptation to 
nominate them, and thus deceive and outwit the people, can 
hardly be resisted. 

8. Party Platform. — In the construction of a party plat- 
form the leaders are naturally governed by similar motives. 




Filling the Party Orator with Political Wind. 



'J'Jii 



PARTY CvAERNMIiNT. 227 

and, instead of publishing a fraiik statement of their real 
objects and intentions, they are disposed to adopt whatever 
may seem most likely to attract the voters. In their effort 
to do this they seek to treat almost every subject of public 
interest, but there are necessarily some points in regard to 
uhich even the members of their own party are divided, 
and it is one of the defects of party government that while 
many voters find sentiments which they disapprove in each 
platform, they can see no alternative but to cast their ballots 
for one or the other and thus seem to endorse and support 
ideas to which they are really opposed. 

9. Vote for the Best Men. — It would appear, therefore, 
that our system of political parties must necessarily tend to 
place the selection of our candidates and the declaration of 
our principles into the hands of a small minority of compara- 
tively selhsh and unscrupulous men. It is therefore evident 
that in order to secure good laws and preserve our free 
institutions we must vote for the best men, regardless of 
party. 

10. Candidate Belongs to a Party.— Under such a sys- 
tem, if a candidate belongs to a party which happens to be 
on the most popular side of some leading question, like the 
tariff or silver coinage, his lack of integrity or personal 
ability must be very glaring to prevent his election. And 
when he takes his seat in a legislative body, and it becomes 
his duty to make a careful study of some important ques- 
tion, to sift the evidence and reach a wise and just con- 
clusion, he, who should be like an impartial judge or an 
unprejudiced juryman, may be found to be only the bond- 
servant of the leaders of his party, a mere automaton for 
the registering of their decrees. 

11. The Remedy. — The business and industrious classes 
will have to take more of an active part in the elections. The 
farmer must leave his farm for a few hours and the busi- 
ness man his store or office and meet in the primaries and 
caucuses and defeat the wardheelers and unprincipled 
politicians who are always on hand to advance the interests 
of some unworthy candidate. The time has come when 
men must take an interest in the government under which 
they live and to which they must look for liberty and pros- 
perity; and the time must come when men must not vote 
for party, but for the best men; men who are honest and will 
fearlessly do their duty regardless of the party influences- 
A public officer must work for the interest of the people at 
large, and not solely for the party which placed him in 
power. The President of the United States, to be a good 
executive of the nation, must be a President of the United 



228 PARTY GOVERNMENT. 

Stales in fact and not simply a president of the party which 
placed him in office— and the same principle should apply to 
every executive or le,i,nslative oHice in the gift of the 
people. 

12. The National Parties. — The national parties as 
Macy in his Civil Government says, are the agencies which 
render it possible for millions of people to choose their 
rulers and express themselves on national questions. They 
are thoroughly organized. Each party has a national com- 
mittee, a committee in each state, one in each county and 
often one in each township. They hold caucuses, prima- 
ries, and conventions; select candidates for office; formulate 
political doctrines; hold meetings, persuade voters and in 
various ways strive to secure a majority of the votes. 

13. TwoPartiesOnly.— It is desirable that the parties 
be only two in number. They are artificial agencies for 
obtaining majorities; and if there are more than two of 
them, this becomes more difficult. A third party may be 
organized for the purpose of advocating certain opinions, 
and of influencing the regular parties to adopt those opin- 
ions; but as soon as one of the parties may be induced to 
adopt the opinions of the third party, the latter should dis- 
band. If a third party attempts to keep up a separate or- 
ganization after it loses its distinctive principles, it becomes 
a source of confusion and corruption to the voters. 

14. The Third Party. — A third party may be organ- 
ized for the purpose of displacing one of the old parties. 
Such a plan is almost sure to fail. We have in our history 
orie notable instance: the Republican party displaced the 
Whig party; but the circumstances were peculiar. It 
would be a great waste of jiolitical energy to disband all 
the counties of the state, and then organize new counties in 
their place. It is likewise a waste of political energy to 
disband an old party and organize a new party to take its 
place. There must be peculiar circumstances to justify 
iuch a waste. It is not an easy task to make seventy mill- 
ions of people acquamted with a new organization. 








229 



^A^^<:^'^ 




^'''V'* 



NO THANKSGIVING HERE^i892. 
Farmer Ben: " Great gosh, the turkey's gone!" 

The Landslide of 1892. 

Each party has its own exjilanatioii of tlie event. Each 
having in its time xperienced both reverses and vic- 
tories, understands that what now seems a most emphatic 
popular verdict may be reversed at the very next election. 

9. Not Good for the Country.^-No one can think that 
the sudden and violent party changes to which tlie country 
is subject are cnducive to its political health and its ma- 
terial prosperity; nevertheless we must expect them to 
occur occasionally. 

10. Changes of Political Issues. — Changes of political 
issues, and the condiiinns incident to a large and increasing 
foreign element in the population, have something to do in 
producing them. Thecaprice of a large number of men who 
are not sutliciently well instructed to have decided views 
on the great financial questions upon which parties are now 
divided, cause the most of the shifting of votes from cu>« 
side 10 the other. 230 




•l?,l 







><: 




A SUDDEN CHANGE IN THE ELECTION RETURNS. 



2;i2 



THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN AMERICAN POLITICS. 233 



The Spoils System in American Poli- 
tics. 

The election of officers is secured by the united action 
of the voters — not all the voters. Hence the persons elected 
ordinarily feel indebted to certain active men of the com- 
munity and if they do not do all in their power as a public 
officer to reward their supporters, they are looked upon as 
ungrateful. Thus has grown up a system of vassalage, or a 
feudal tenure of office. In this way, after parties have come 
into power, their ability to dispose of patronage acts as a 
cement to keep the party together. 

1. Loaves and Fishes. — As soon as a party succeeds in 
electing its candidate to office there are plenty within its 
ranks to look about for loaves and fishes. And the more 
power the officer has to distribute good things by creating 
or filling vacancies in minor offices, the more he is besieged 
and the more likely he is to serve his party rather than the 
people in the administration of his office. The result of the 
spoils system is that many elections, involving no policy of 
government except the honesty and ability of the candidates, 
degenerate into desperate struggles between members of 
two parties for a means of livelihood. In any consideratio« 
of the spoils system it is important to examine its cloak. 

2. The Curse of National Politics. — How absurd it is 
to drag national politics into local elections; to elect a mayor 
because he favors tariff reform or to defeat a candidate for 
constable because he thinks the national government should 
enter upon the free coinage of silver. Such a practice caa- 
not be excused except from a party standpoint. For it I can 
see but two motives: first, the securing of office and patron- 
age as spoils and, second, the holding of voters together so 
that they can be relied upon when national issues do arise. 

In this way many a person who would be the choice of 
the people to perform the duties of an office has been 
defeated, much to the detriment of the public service. The 
existence of these facts indicates a weakness in our elec- 
tion machinery which should not be overlooked by the 
voters of this free land of ours. 



234 THE SPOII-S SYSTEM IN AMERICAN POLITICS. 




The Ward Heeler Demanding a Contribution for PoUtl' 

cal Purposes. 



3. Bribery and Corruption. — By the use of the Aus- 
tralian system o£ votiiiLT, the danger of bribery and corrup- 
tion in elections has been overcome to a considerable ex- 
tent. The secrecy enforced in voting is the point of safety. 




BEFORE ELECTION. 
The Politician is Pleased to See Mr. Jones. 



18 



2.35 



THE SPOILS SYSTLM IN AMERICAN POLITICS. 237 

By that simple device the would-be purchaser of a vote is 
deprived of the means of absolute certainty that the vender 
of a vote voted according to contract. But, notwithstand- 
ing the secrecy incident to voting, practical politicians 
assert that many votes are still bought. Probably the in- 
struments now most conducive to the purchase and sale 
of votes are the separate party ballots and the paster 
ballot. But as these are already in much disfavor, it is to 
be hoped they will soon disappear. 

4. Trading Votes. — "If you will vote my ticket for 
mayor, I will vote your ticket for governor." How often is 
such a proposition made and accepted between voters of 
good standing in the community, but of opposite politics! 
Such a transaction does not come within the statute relat- 
ing to bribery; but I do not believe it can be defended from 
an ethical point of view. If as is generally conceded, the 
state can rightfully claim that it is the duty of citizens to 
vote, it necessarily follows that each voter is under obliga- 
tions to pass upon each matter according to his best judg- 
ment. What would be thought of a judge if he should an- 
nounce that he would decide a certain case upon the merits 
of some other? If judges cannot properly trade decisions, 
voters should not trade votes. 

5. Parties as They are Managed. — Parties go on con- 
tending because their members have formed a habit of joint 
action, and have contracted hatred and prejudices and als« 
because the leaders find it to their advantage in using these 
habits and playing upon these prejudices. The American 
parties continue to exist because they have existed. The 
mill has been constructed and the machinery goes on turn- 
ing, even where there is no grist to grind. But this is not 
wholly the fault of the men, for the system of government 
requires i)arties just as that of England does. These sys- 
tems are made to be worked, and always have been worked 
by a majority. The majority must be cohesive, gathered 
into a united and organized body. Such a body is a party. 

6. The Political Boss. — "The evil to be remedied is the 
dictation of the political boss. As parties are now consti- 
tuted, nominatio; s are made, not by the community or any 
considerable portion of it, but by a single man, who for the 
time being is in control of the party machine. No man can 
hold office except by the consent of such a boss, and when 
rebelled against it means defeat. I know of no remedy for 
this state of things because the public stand idly by an<i 
permit the dictation, and seem rather to enjoy the results 
of it. Education and intelligence have always been put 
forward as the proper antidotes for political evils, but my 



238 



THE SPOILS SYSTEM IN AMERICAN POLITICS. 



observation leads me to think that the educated portion of 
the community is more apt to follow the machine than any 
other portion of it, because the uneducated can be pur- 
chased, while the enlightened are probably beyond the 
reach (if that tcinptaticm." 

7. The Remedy. — In order to make effective the rem- 
edy it seems to be necessary for citizens to devote not only 
a considerable portion of their time, but to do so in an em- 
ployment which is not congenial to their tastes. That it is 
the duty of each citizen to given a reasonable amount of his 
time and to expend a reasonableamountof energy in secur- 
ing proper nominations to public oftice all will admit. 
Each citizen undoubtedly owes this duty to the state, and 
owing to this duty to the state, the state in turn is obligated 
to furnish him with the means whereby the time and energy 
which duty requires him to give shall be expended in a 
manner that shall make his efforts felt in the result. It 
cannot justly require him to give up a large portion of his 
time and require him to study and practice what has be- 
come a profession in order that his influence shall be felt in 
making nominations. The state has also a duty to the 
citizen growing out of the fact that it prints the ballots. It 
should see to it that the names of candidates which it prints 
upon the ballots to be cast by the voter are not chosen 
through fraud and trickery. As it is useless for a single in- 
dividual to go to the polls without prior organization in 
the hope of electing an indepeiuient candidate to office, 
it is the duty of the state to see to it that the organi- 
zations among voters, so far as they operate to place 
candidates in nomination, conform to fair and reasonable 
rules. 




^y* 



TC^ 



The Politicians FixinjJt up a Ticket. 



Filibusttring or Legislative Obstructions. 239 

Filibustering or Legislative Obstruc- 
tions. 

1. There are Many Good Things in the law-making 
powers of our national government, and there are marv 
things that can be greatly improved. 

2. Party Prejudices.— When a party is in power it 
should have the right to make laws without serious legisla- 
tive obstruction. The people have placed their representa- 
tives in power to make the laws and will hold them respon- 
sible. But the system of American politics is greatly in error 
as to the rights of the minority. The minority in our legisla- 
tive bodies instead of recognizing the rights of a majority, 
do everything possible to defeat or obstruct legislation. If 
the majority has the right to rule, no minority has a right to 
obstruct or embarrass their work. If the people elect the 
majority to make laws, the minority has no right whatever 
to defeat the will of the people. 

3. Obstruction. — All minorities practice obstruction 
more or less, and it is not easy to draw the line between 
proper and improper useof this weapon of defense. Men are 
apt to approve its use when it is employed by their own party 
friends, and to condemn it when used by the opposite 
party. 

4. The Right of Petition.— On several occasions, half 
a century ago, John Quincy Adams stood almost or quite 
alone in the House of Representatives mamtaining the 
right of petition, and defying the majority to silence him. 
He once forced his opponents to abandon an attempt to pass 
a resolution of censure against him, by occupying nearly a 
week of the session in a speech of defence. Indeed, he 
seemed unlikely to close his "few remarks" in time to allow 
any business to be done. Perhaps in so doing he performed 
a useful service which could have been performed in no 
other way. At all events, those who admire "the old man 
eloquent" praise and do not censure him for his unyielding 
course of obstruction. 

5. Gag. — There may be a question if, when the 
"gag" is applied by an arbitrary majority in disregard 
to all rights of debate, it is not justitiable to continue 
obstruction long enough to attract public attention to 
the matter; since in such a case that is the only method of 
protest left. 

6. Long Continued Obstruction. — But, on a broad view 
or the subject, long continued obstruction is to be condemned 
severely, whether it is practiced by our friends or by our 



^40 FILIBUSTERING OR LEGISLATIVE OBSTRUCTIONS. 

opponents. Of course an arbitrary refusal of the majority 
to allow the minority reasonable time for debate is equally 
to be condemned. 

7. Determined Minority. — It has been shown by the 
recent events that a determined minority may block thebusi- 
ness of the Senate indefinitely. 1 1 was only when the minority 
became divided on the policy of obstruction, and a few only 
were disposed to continue the struggle, that a vote was 
reached. 

8. Majority Should Govern. — Since it is the business of 
a Legislature to pass laws, and since in every free nation the 
majority should govern, it is simply common sense to say 
tliat a system of rules which permits a minority to frustrate 
the will of the majority is not a good system. This is 
neither a partial nor a partisan opinion. If it works against 
one party to-day it will work in that party's favor when it 
obtains a majority. 

9. The Caucus. — The caucus is an American institu- 
tion, and is unknown outside of the United States, except in a 
modified form in England and Canada. The nominating 
convention, made up of delegates chosen in primary party 
meetings, does not exist except in this country. And while 
parties are known all over the world, it is only in some parts 
of this country that they have a recognized standing. In 
Massachusetts, anel perhaps in other states, party caucuses 
are conducted according to a specific act, and the law pro- 
tects those who have rights in a party meeting from those 
who, without right, might try to control it. 

10. Popular Initiative. — We can hardly suppose that 
the machinery of government has even yet been perfected. 
There is a proposition to introduce here the systems in vogue 
in Switzerland known as the referendum and the "popular 
initiative." By the first of these systems a law passed by 
the Legislature is, under certain circumstances, referred to 
popular vote. Of course a law ratified by the people has 
more force and is less liable to repeal than one not ratified. 

11. Decision of the People. — The "pupular initiative" 
gives to a certain number of voters asking for it tlie right 
to demand a popular vote upon a law. In Switzerland, 
when thirty thousand citizens petition for a vote upon the 
revision of the law, such a vote must be had, and the decis- 
ion of the people is final. Fifty thousand citizens may 
require a popular vote throughout the republic upon a prop- 
osition to amend the Constitution. The principle of the 
popular initiative has always been a part of the New Eng- 
land town meeting system, but has never extended beyond 
it even to the county government. 



GERRYMANDERING. 241 

12. Improvement. — And if those two principles should be 
Sfcdopted by and by, are we even then at the end? Certainly 
not Let us suggest one direction in which an improvement 
may come. There seems to be no good reason why, in these 
days of quick commimication, voting should not be done by 
mail instead of by the personal presence of the voter at the 
polls. Vast harm is done because men entitled to vote 
cannot do so or will not take the trouble. It will be easy to 
devise a system that will render voting by mail safe to the 
great advantage of good government. 

Gerrymandering and its Effects Upon 
Legislation. 

1. Provisions of State Constitutions. — The constitu- 
tions of states of the Union usually fix the number of mem- 
bers to be chosen for the state Legislature. But it is left 
with the Legislature itself to divide the state into districts, 
in each of which the voters shall elect one or more mem- 
bers. 

Since population will naturally increase more rapidly in 
some parts of a state than m others, it follows that the dis- 
tricts must be changed from time to time in order that each 
member of the Legislature may represent, as nearly as pos- 
sible, the same number of voters. 

2. Contiguous Territory. — No rule is made in the State 
constitution as to the method of mapping out the districts. 
Most states require that all districts shall be fixed inside 
of county lines, and that a single district be made up of 
•'contiguous" territory. Otherwise the Legislature may 
draw up the district map as it pleases. It was long ago 
discovered that this power might be turned to partisan use. 
Some sections or neighborhoods will always cast a large 
majority for one party, when close at hand there may be 
sections which invariably give a majority to the other party. 

3. Injustice to the Voters. — Now if the Democrats, for 
example, can combine into one district as many sure Re- 
publican neighborhoods as possible, and then arrange the 
neighboring districts so that in each district there shall be just 
enough Democratic voters to counterbalance the Repub- 
licans in the same district, it is clear that the Democrats 
w\\\ have the advantage. The Republicans might carry the 
first district by 10,000 majority, and the Democrats get only 
1,000 majority in each of three other districts. The Repub- 
licans would cast more votes, but the Democrats would elect 
more members, and thus control the state legislation. If 
then a Legislature making a new "apportionment" of the 
state is strongly partisan, it has an opportunity to take 
advantage for its party for the ensuing election.^; 



242 



GERRYMANDERING. 




CERRYMANDERING.- 
Figuring Out the Other Fellows. 



4. Oriein ot cne Name. — This practice is known as 
"gerrynianuoring" a state, and the origin of tiie name is 
curious. As long ago as 1811, the Democratic majority in 
the Massachusetts Legislature jiassed a law •'redistriciing" 
the state for senators, with very irregular district bound, 
aries. The governor who signed the bill was Elbridge 
Gerry. One district in Essex County stretched from Boston 
to the New Hampshire boundary. 



I 




FIRST GERRYMANDER DISTRICT. 
Eastern Massachusetts. 



243 



244 GERRYMANDERING. 

Gilbert Stuart, the famous painter, sketched on the map 
the outline of the district, and added eyes ana claws to th^' 
fijiure, so that it seemed like the picture of a strange winged 
beast. 

" It looks," said Stuart to a Boston editor, "like a sala- 
mander." 

"Salamander!" cried the editor; "callit Gerrymander!" 
and Gerrymander it has been called from that day to this. 

5. Many Famous Cases. — There have been many 
famous cases of unjust gerrymandering, where states have 
been so divided as to elect the officers of one party, when 
the other had a large majority of the total vote. Both polit- 
ical parties have in turn taken advantage of the expedient 
and an unfair division of a state by one party has often 
been followed, when the control of the Legislature changed, 
by an equally unjust " redistricting " in favor of the other 
side. 

States such as Ohio and New York, where neither party 
is permanently in control, have had their district map 
altered at most frequent intervals and in the most remarka- 
ble way. The famous " Shoestring " congressional district 
of .Mississippi was a thin strip of territory reaching froni 
the north to the south boundary of the state. 

6. Unfair Gerrymandering.- By some politicians gerry- 
mandering is regarded as a perfectly fair means of secur- 
ing partisan advantage. But the better class of political 
leaders do not hesitate to denounce it. 

Unfair Gerrymandering, moreover, has lately received a 
severe blow from the courts. In Wisconsin the party in 
power had passed a law dividing the state, irrespective of 
county lines, so as to make apparently sure for themselves 
a permanent majority. But the Supreme Court of the state 
declared the law unconstitutional, because the state consti- 
tution makes a restriction on the general method of form- 
ing the districts by requiring that county lines be followed. 

The Legislature might cut a county into congressional 
districts on any plan it chose, but it could not combine into 
one district voters situated in two different counties. For- 
tunately for fair elections a large proportion of the state 
constitutions contain precisely this useful limitation. 



I 



POLITICAL COMrLEXION OF THE STATES. 



245 



PAST POLITICAL COMPLEXION OF THE STATES 

R^ Republican; VV,, Whig; D., Democratic; U., Union; A., American; A. M., 
Anti-Masonic; N. R., National Republican; P., Populist. 









,^ 






zc C 


*f 00 IM 


O O "^ CO iM O 


o 


f 


STATE 




00 


CO 


oc 


00 00 GO 


00 oo 


O CC 1- 

00 00 22 


t^ GO 

00 GO 


oc oo 3D QC 

D D D D 


0-- 

D 

D 


32 




D 


■> 


D 
D 


D 
D 


d'd'd 


D D 
D D 


. R R 
.... R R 


D D 


D 


Arkansas 


D 


D D 


D 


D D D D D 


D 


California 












.... D 


D R 


R R R 


R 


D R R D R 


R 


R 


Colorado 












i 




I....I. .. 


R 


R R R P D 


D 


R 


Connecticut 


R 


N RD 


VV 


W 


vv D 


R R 


R R R 


D 


R D D D R 


R 


R 


Delaware , 


K 


N R W 


w 


W 


vv u 


D D 


DDR 


D 


D D D D K 


R 


R 


Florida 












WD 


D D 




R 


R 


R 


D D D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


Georgia 


D 


D 


W 


w 


D 


WD 


DD 




D 


D 


D 


D D 


D 


D 
P 


D 

D 


D 

D 


D 


Idaho. 






R 


TllinnU 


D 
D 


D 

D 


D 
W 


D 

w 


D 
D 


b D 
d!d 


b R 


R 
R 
R 


R 
R 
R 


R 
R 
R 


R 
D 
R 


R 
R 
R 


R 
D 
R 


R 
R 
R 


D 
U 

R 


k 

R 
R 


R 
R 
R 


R 


Tnf]i,nnn 


D 
R 


R 
R 


R 


Iowa 


D 


D 


R 


Kansas 




















R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


P 


D 


R 


R 


Kentucky 


D 
D 
R 
R 
R 


N R W 

D D 

D D 

N R W 

N R W 


w 
\v 
w 
\v 
w 


W 
D 
D 
W 
W 


VV 
VV 
D 

VV 

VV 


VV 
D 
D 
D 
VV 


D 
D 
R 
A 

R 


U 
D 
R 
D 
R 


D 

R 
R 
R 


D 
D 
R 


D 
R 
R 


D 
R 

R 


D 
D 
R 
D 
R 


D 
D 

R 


D 
D 
R 


D 
D 

R 
D 
R 


R 
D 
K 
R 
R 


D 
D 
R 
R 
R 


L> 


Louisiana 


D 


Maine 


R 


Maryland . 


D D 


D D 


D 


Massachusetts.. 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


Mirhig.-in 






D 


w 


D 


D 


D 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 










w 






D 


D 


R 
D 


R 


R 


R 
R 


g 


R 
D 


R 
D 


R 
D 


R 
D 


R 
D 


S 


R 


Mississippi 


I) 


D 


D 


D D 


D 


Missouri 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


R 


R 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 

R 


D 
D 


D 
D 


R 


Montana 


R 


Nebraska . 










.... 




.... 


.... 




R 


R 
R 


R 
R 


R 
R 


R 
D 


R 
R 


R 
R 


R 
P 


D 
D 


R 
D 


R 


Nevada 






R 


New Hampshire 


K 


D 


D 


O 


D 


D 


D 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


}< 


R 


R 


New Jersey 


R 


D 


W 


W 


W 


VV 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


R 


D 


D D 


D 


D 


R 


R 
R 


R 


New York 


I) 


n 


T) 


w 


D 


VV 


D 


R 


R 


R 


D 


R 


D 


R D 


R 


D 


R 


R 


North Carolina.. 


1) 


D 


D 


w 


W 


VV 


D 


D 


D 




R 


R 


D 


D D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


NorthDakota.... 




























1 




P 


R 


R 


R 


Ohio 


D 


D 


W 


\v 


VV 


D 


b 


R 


R 
R 


R 
R 


R 
D 


R 
R 


R 
R 


R|R 
R R 


R 
R 


R 
R 


R 

R 


R 
R 


R 


Oregon 


R 


Pennsylvania .... 


I) 


I) 


n 


w 


n 


VV 


b 


D 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


Rhode Island ... 


H 


N R 


T) 


w 


vv 


VV 


D 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R R 


R 


K 


R 


R 


R 


South Carolina.. 


i) 


\V 


\V 


I) 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 




R 


R 


R 


D L> 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


South Dakota... 










.... 












.... 




1 




R 


D 


R 


R 


Tennessee 


1) 


D 


\V 


w 


VV 


VV 


W 


b 


U 




R 


D 


b 


b b 


b 


D 


D 


D 


L> 


Texas 












D 


D 


D 


D 






D 


D 


D'D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


U 


Utah ...}. 




























1 




D 


D 


R 


R 


Vermont 


K 


A M 


W 


w 


vv,\v 


VV 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R R 


R R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


Virginia 


T) 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


U 






R D 


D D 


D 


D 


D 


D 


L> 


Washington 


.... 
.... 






.... 








.... 




R 

R 


R 
R 


1 
R R 


1 

b b 

R|R 


D 
R 


R 
D 
D 


D 
R 
R 


R 
R 
R 


R 


West Virginia ... 
Wisconsin 




„. 


R 






D 


D 


R 


R 


R 


R 


R 


Wyoming 


.... 






.... 






— 






""\"" 






1... 
1 




R 


^ 


R 


R 



<y^l votes for Cleveland and 1 for Harrison.and Ohio gave 1 for Clevelanci and 
22 for Harrison; in Michigan, by act of the legislature, each congressional dis- 
trict voted separately for an elector; in Oregon, 1 of the 4candidatesforclectors 
OQ the People's Party ticket was also on the Democratic ticket; in North Da- 
kota, 1 of the 2 People's Party electors cast his vote for Cleveland, thus causing 
the electoral vote of the state to be equally divided between Cleveland, Harrison 
Mid Weaver; in 1896 CaUfornia gave 8 electoral votes to McKmley and 1 to 
Bryan; Kentucky gave 12 to McKinley and 1 to Bryan. In Maryland, m 1904 
seven of the presidential electors chosen were Democrats and one Republuaa. 






246 



PRESIDENTS AND THEIR CABINETS. 



PRESIDENTS AND 



PRESIDEXTS 
AND VICE- 
P RESIDENTS 


. -a 

s '- 

2 ^ 
= w 
*.-* r: 

1789 
1789 

1797 
1797 

1801 
1801 
1805 

1009 
l.SOO 
1S13 

1S17 
1817 

1825 
1825 

1S20 
1S33 

1837 
1837 

1841 
1841 

1841 

1S45 
1845 

1849 
1849 


Secretaries of 
.Slate 


Srert lories of 
the Treasury 


Secretaries of 
War 


♦George Washington 
♦John Adams 


Thos. Jefferson 
E. Randolph 
T. Pickering 


Alex. Hamilton 
Oliver Wolcolt 


Henry Knox 
r. Pickering 
Jas. McHenry 


John Ailams 
Thomas Jefferson 


T. Pickering 
John Marshall 


Oliver Wolcott 
Samuel Dexter 


Jas. McHenrv 
John Marshall 
Samutl De.xter 
R. Griswold 


*Thomas Jefferson 
Aaron Burr 
♦George Clinton 


James Madison 


Samuel Dexter 
Albert Gallatin 


H. Dearborn 


♦James Madison 
tGtorge Clinton 
Elbridge Gerry 


Robert Smith 
James Monroe 

John Q.Adams 


.Mbert Gallatin 
G. W. Campbell 
A.J. Dallas 
W. H. Crawford 


Wm. Eustis 
J . .\rmstrong 
J amis Monroe 
W. H. Craw fold 


♦James Monroe 
♦Danie) D.Tompkins 


W. H. Crawford 


Isaac Shelby 
Geo. Graham 
J. C.Calhoun 


John Q. Adams 
♦John C. Calhoun 


Henry Clay 


Richard Rush 


Jas. Barbour 
Peter B. Porter 


♦.Andrew Jackson 
tjohn C. Calhoun 
Martin \'an Buren 


M. Van Biiren 
K. I.iving.'^ton 
Louis Mcl^ne 
John Forsyth 

John Forsyth 


Sam D. Ingham 
Louis McLane 
W.J. Duane 
Rogyr B. Taney 
Levi Woodbury. 


John H. Eaton 
Lewis Cas;; 
B. F. Butler 


Martin Van Biiren 
Richard M. Johnson 


Levi Woodbury 


Joel R. Poinsett 


tWilliam H. Harrison 
John Tyler 


Daniel Webster 


Thos. Ewing 


John Bell 


John Tykr 


Daniel Webster 
Hugh S. I.egarc 
Alx'l P. Cpshur 
John C.Calhoun 


Thos. Ewing 
Walter Forward 
John C. Sp<-ncer 
Geo. M. Bibb 


John Bell 
John McLean 
J. C. Spincer 
Lis. M. Porter 
Wm. Wilkins 


James K. Polk 
George M. Dallas 


James Buchanan 


Robt. J. Walker 


Wm. L. Marcy 


tZachary Tavlor 
Alillard Fillmore 


John M. Clayton 


Wm.M. Meredith 


G. W. Crawford 



♦Elected two consecutive terms. tDicd while in office. {Resigned. 



PRESIDENTS AND THEIR CABINETS. 



247 



THEIR CABINETS. 



Secretaries of 

the Navy 


Secretaries oj 
the Int'-rior* 


Postmaster- 
GencraM 


Allorjuy- 
Ccncrals 






Samuel Osgood 
Timothy Pickering 
Jos. Habersham 


E. Randolph 
Wm. Bradford 
Charles Lee 


Benjamin Stoddert 




Jos., Habersham 


Charles Lee 
Theo. Parsons 


Benjamin Stoddert 
Robert Smith 
Jacob Crowninshield 




Jos. Habersham 
Gideon Granger 


Levi Lincoln 
Robt. Smith 
John Breckinridge 
C. .K. Rodney 


Paul flamilton 
William Jon? 
B. W. Crowninshield 




Gideon Granger 
R. J. Meigs, Jr. 


C. A. Rodney 
Willinm Pinkncy 
William Rush 


B. VV. Crowninshield 
Smith Thompson 
S. L. Southard 




R. J. Meigs, Jr. 
John McLean 


Willi.im Rush 
William Wirt 


S. L. Southard 




John McLean 


William Wirt 


, ohn Branch 
xvi Woodbury 
Mahlon Dickcrson 




Wm. T. Barry 

Amos Kendall 


John M. Berrien 
Roger B. Tanev 
B. F. Butler 


Mahlon Dickerson 




Amos Kendall 
John M. Niles 


B. F. Bitler 
Fcli.x Grundy 
H. D. Gilpin 


George E. Badger 




Francis Granger 


J.J. Crittenden 


George E. Badger 
Abel P. Upshur 
David Henshaw 
Thomas \V. Gilmer 
John Y. Mason 




Francis Granger 
C. A. Wickliffe 


J.J. Crittenden 
Hugh S. Ixgare 
John Nel-son 


George Bancroft 
Jnhn Y. Mason 




Cave Johnson 


John Y. Mason 
Nathan Clifford 
I.saac Toucey 


William B. Preston 


Thomas Ewing 


Jacob Collamer 


Revcrdy Johnson 



♦This department was established by an act of congress, March 3, 1849. 
tNot a cabinet oflScer until 1829. 



248 



PRESIDENTS AND THEIR CABIN'ETS. 

PRESIDENTS AND THEIR 



PRESIDENTS 
AND VICE- 
PRESIDENTS 


22 
1850 

1S53 
1853 

1857 
1857 

ISfil 
1801 
1865 

ises 

18G9 
18(i9 
1S73 

1877 
1877 

1881 
ISSl 

1881 

1.SS5 
1S>S5 

1889 
1889 

1893 
1893 

1897 
1897 
1901 

1905 
1905 


Secretaries of 
State 


Secrrlaries of 
the Treasury 


Secretaries of 
War 


Millard Fillmore 


Daniel Webster 
Edward Everett 


Thomas Corwin 
Jaracs Gutnric 


CM. Conrad 


Fr;ml-;lin Pitrcc 
fWilliam R. King 


W. L. Marcy 


Jefferson Davis 


■ amcs Buchanan 
] ohn C. Breckinridge 


Lewis Ca?s 
J. S. Blaci 


Howell Cobb 
Philip F.Thomas 
John A. Dix 

Salmon P.Chase 
\V. P. Fcssenden 
HughMcCuUoch 


John B. Floyd 
Joseph Holt 


♦tAhraham Lincoln 
Hannibal Hamlin 
Anilriw Johnson 


W. H. S.ward 


S. Cameron 
E. M. SiantoQ 


Andrew Johnson 


W. H. Seward 


HughMcCulloch 


E. M. StantoQ 
U. S. Grant 
L. Thomas 
J. M. SchofieU 


♦Ulyssts S. Grant 
Schuylir Colfax 
tUeary W lison 


E. B.Washbume 
Hamilton Fish 


Geo. S. BoutwcU 
W.A.Richardstm 
Benj. H. Bristow 
Lot M. MorriU 


J. A. Rawlins 
W. T. Sherma* 
W. W. Belknap 
.Mphonso Taft 
J. D. Cameron 


Rutherford B. Hayes 
William A. Wheeler 


W. M. Evarts 


John Sherman 


G. W. McCrary 
Alex. Ramsey 


t James A. Garfield 
Chester A. Arthur 


James G. Blaine 


Wm. Windom 


R. T. Lincoln 


Chester A. Arthur 


F.T. FreUnghuy- 
scn 


Chas. J . Folger 
\V. Q. Gresham 
HughMcCulloch 


R. T. Lincoln 


Grovt-r Cleveland 
tThos. A. Hendricks 


Thos. F. Bayard 


Dan Manning 
Chas.S.Fairchild 


W. P. Edicott 


Benjamin Harrison 
Levi P. Morton 


James G. Blaine 
John W. Foster 


Wm. Windom 
Charles Foster 


R. Proctor 
S. B. Elkins 


Grovcr Cleveland 
Adlai E. Stevenson 


W. Q. Gresham 
Richard OIney 


John G. Carhsle 
Lyman J . Gage 


D. S. Laraont 


*tWilliam McKinley 
tGarrel A. Hobarl 
Theodore Roosevelt 


John Sherman 
Wm R. Day 
John Hay 

John Hay 


R. A. Alger 
EUhu Root 


Theo<lore Roosevelt 
Chas W Fairbanks 


Lyman J. Gage 
Leslie M. Shaw 


Klihu Root 
Wm. H. Taft 



•Elected two consecutive terms. tDied while in office. 



PRESIDENTS AND THEIR CABINETS. 
CABINETS— CONTINUED. 



24fl 



Secretaries oj 
the Navy 



Secretaries of 
the Interior 



Wm. A. Graham Thos. A. Pierce 

John P.Kennedyl T. McKcrnon 

A.H. H.Stuart 



James C.Dobbin R. McClelland 



Isaac Toucey 



Gide<»i Welles 



Gideon Welles 



Adolph E. Borie 
Geo. M . Robeson 



R.W.Thompson 
Nathan Goff, Jr. 


W. H 


Hunt 


W. E 


. Chandler 


w. c 


Whitney 


Benj. 


F. Tracy 


H.A. 


Herbert 


John 


D. Long 



John D. Long 
Wm. H. Moody 
Paul Morton 



J. Thompson 



Caleb B.Smith 
John P. Usher 



John P. Usher 
James Harlan 
O.H.Browning 



Jacob D. Cox 
C. Delano 
Zach .Chandler 



Carl Schurz 



S.J. Kirkwood 



Henry Teller 



L.Q. C.Lamar 
Wm. F. Vilas 



John W.Noble 



Hoke Smith 
D. R. Francis 



C.N. Bliss 
E.A.Hitchcock 



E.A.Hitchcock 



Postmaster- 
Generals 



Nathan Hall 
Sam Hubbard 



Jas. Campbell 



A ttorney- 
Generals^ 



J.J.Crittenden 



Caleb Cushing 



Aaron Brown J. S. Black 
Joseph Holt Edw. Stanton 



M. Blair 
Wm. Dcnnison 



Wm . Dcnnison 
A. W. Randall 



J. A. Cresswell 
Jas. Marshall 
M. Jewell 
James Tyner 



David M. Key 
H. Maynard 

T. L. James 



T. O. Howe 
W.Q.Greshara 
Frank Hatton 



Wm. F. \ilas 
D. Uickin.son 

J. Wanamakcr 



\V. S. Bisscll 
W. L. WilsoD 



James A. Gary 
Chas. E. Smith 



Chas. E.Smith 
HenryC. Payne 
G.B.Cortelyou 



Edward Bates 
Titian J. Coffey 
James Speed 

James Speed 
H. Stanberry 
Wm. Evarts 



E. R. Hoar 
A. Ackerman 
Geo. Williams 
E. Pierrepont 
Alphonso Taft 



Chas. Deveos 



W. McVeagh 



B.H.Brewster 



A. H. Garland 



W.H.H.Miller 



R. Olney 
J . Harmon 



J . McKenna 
J. W. Griggs 
P. C. Knox 



P. C. Knox 
W. H. Moody 



Secretaries of 
Agriculture* 









N 


■J. 


Cohaan 


J. 


M 


. Ruik 


J- 


S. 


MorioD 


J- 


Wilsoo 



J. Wilson 



Note — The department of commerce and labor was established by congress 
Feb. H, 1903. George B.Cortelyou was appointed the secretary. He resigned 
July 1, 1904, to become chairman of the national republican committee, and 
was succeeded by Victor H. Metcalf. 

♦Established by an act of coagress, Feb. 11, 1889. 



250 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT. 

POPUUR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT (1856-1904.) 

1856— Buchanan had 1,S3S,109 to 1.341,204 for Fremont and 874,534 for pai- 
more. butnanan over iTcmont, 496,905. Buchamin k-ss than combint-d vote 
of others, a//,i):i9. Of the whole vote Buchanan had 45.34 per ctnt., Fre- 
mont 'ii.l!) and Fillmore 21.57. 
1800— Lincoln had 1,800,352 to 1,375,157 for Douglas, 845,763 for Breckin- 
ridge and 68'J,5S1 for Bell. Lincoln over Douglas, 491,195. Lincoln less 
than UougLis and Breckinridge combined, 354,508. Lincoln less than com- 
bined vole of all others, 944,149. (Jf the whole vote Lincoln had 39.91 per 
cent., Douglas 29.40, Brectinridge 18.0jS and Bell 12.01. 
1864— Lincoln had 2,210,007 to 1,808,725 for McClcllan (eleven states not %-ot- 
ing, viz.: Alabama, ArKansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North 
Carolina, South Carolina, Tenncs-sce, Te.xas and \irginiai. Linco.n s major- 
ity, 40/, 342. Of the whole vote Lincoln had 55.00 per cent, and McClcllan 44.94. 
1868— Grant had 3,015,071 to 2,709,613 for Seymour (three states not voting, 
viz.: Mississippi, Te.xas and \ irginiai. Grant's majority, 305,458. Of the 
whole vote Grant had 52.07 per cent, and Seymour 47.33. 
1872— Grant had 3,597,070 to 2,834,079 for Greeley, 29,408 for O'Conor and 
5,00S for Black. Grant's majority, 72J,975. Of the whole vote Grant had 
55.03 per cent., Greeley 43.S3, O'Conor .15, Black .Oi). 
1870— Hayes had 4,033,950 to 4,284,885 for Tilden, 81,740 for Cooper, 9.522 
for Smith and 2,i)30 scattermg. TiKlen's majority over Hayes, 250,935. 
Tilden 's majority of the cniire vote cast, 157,037. Hayes less tnan the com- 
bined vote of the others, 344,833. Oi the whole vote cast Hayes had 47.95 
per cent., Tilden 50.94, Cooper .97, Smith. 11, scattering .03. 
1880— Garfield had 4,449,053 to 4,442,035 for Hancock, 307,306 for Weaver and 
12,570 sealtering. Garlield over Hancock, 7,018. Garlield less than the com- 
bined vole for others, 313,804. Of the popular vote Garfield had 48:26 per 
cent., Hancock 48.25, Weaver 3.33, scattering .13. 
1884— Cleveland had 4,911,017 to 4,848,334 for Blaine, 151,809 for St. John, 
133,825 for Butler. Cleveland had over Blaine ti2,0!!3. Cleveland had 4S.4S 
per cent., Blaine 48.22, St. Joun 1..50, Butler 1.33. 
1888— Harrison had 5,440,210 to 5,538,233 for Cleveland, 249,937 for Fisk, 
141,10.) lor Streeter, 2,i>0S for Cowdrey, 1,591 for Curtis and 9,S45 scattering. 
Harrison had 98,017 less than Cleveland. Of the whole vole Harrison had 
47.S3 per cent., Cleveland 48.03, Fisk 2.21 and Streeter 1.28. 
1892— Cleveland had 5,556,918 to 5,176,108 for Harri.^on, 204,133 for BidwcU, 
1,041,028 lor Weaver and 21,104 for Wing. Cleveland had over H.irnson 
380,>>10. < )f tiie whole vote Cleveland had 45.73 p^r cent., Harrison 42.49, 
Bidwell, 2.17 and Weaver 8.07. 
1890— .McRinlcv had 7,104,779, Rrvan 6,.')02,925, Levering 132,007, Bcndey 
13,909, Matthett 30,274, I'almcr 133,14.S. Mci'winley had over Bryan 001,854 
votes. Of the whole vote Mckinley had 50.49 per cent, and Bryan 40.20. 
1900— McKinlcy had 7,217,810 to 6,357,820 for Bry.in, 208,791 for Woolley. 
50 21.S lor Barker, 87,709 for Debs, 39,944 for .Malloney, 518 for lxon.ird and 
5,0J8 for Fliis. McKinlev over Bryan, 859,984. Mctvinley's majority over 
aU, 3j/,OiO. Of the whole vote McKinlcy received 51.06 per cent, and 
Bryan 45.51 per cent. 
1904— Roosevelt had 7,020,785 to 5,080,304 for Parker, 257,419 for Swallow, 
387,644 for Debs, 109,742 for Watson, 42,200 for Corngan and .^oO for Hol- 
comb. RooseNiU over Parker, 2,540,4bl. Koosevell's majority over all, 
1,742,040. Of the whole vote Roosevelt received 57.13 per cent, and Parker 
38 per cent. 

Of the presidents, Adams, federalist; Polk, Buchan.in .ind Cleveland, dem- 
ocrats; Taylor, whig; Lincoln (first urm), Haye.s, tlarlield and Harrison, repub- 
licans, did not, wh> n elected, receive a majority of the popular vote. I he high- 
est percentage cf iK)pular vole received by any president was 5( .13 for Roosevelt, 
republican, in 1901; the lowest. .39.91 for Lincohi, republican, m ISOO; Buchaa- 
aa. democrat, next lowest, with 45.34. 



PRESIDENTIAL VOTE. 



251 



[PRESIDENTIAL VOTE (1828-1904). 



Yr. 



1828 
1828 
1832 
1S32| 
1832' 
1832 
1830 
1836 
183(5 
1836 
1836 
1840 
1840 
1840 
1844 
1S44 
lS4t 
1848 
1848 
1848 
1852 
1852 
1852 
1856 
1856 
1856 
1860 
1860 
1860 
1860 
1864 
1864 
1868 
1868 
1872 
1872 
1872 
1872 
1876 
1876 
1876 
1876, 



Candidate 



Party 



Popular 
Vole 



r^ 



Yr. Candidate 



Party 



Jackson. 

Adams 

JacKson. 

Clay. 

Flovd. 

Wirt 

VanBun-n.. 
Harrison.... 

White 

Webster 

Mangum.... 
VanBurcn.. 
Harrison.... 
Bimey 
Polk .. 
Clay .. 

Birney 

Taylor 

Cass 

VanBureru. 

Pierce 

Scott 

Hale 

Buchanan.. 

Fremont 

Fillmore .... 
Douglas . .. 
Brcckinr'gc 

Lincoln 

Bell 

McClellan. 

Lincoln 

Seymour.... 

Grant 

Greeley 

O 'Conor 

Grant . 
Black .. 
Tilden. 
Hayes . 
' Cooper 
■ Smith .. 



Dem 

Fed'l.... 

Dem .... 
■ Whig .. 
]\Vhig .. 
L-\nli--\I 

Ucm ... 

Whig .. 

Whig .. 

Whig .. 

Whig .. 

Dem.... 

Whig .. 

Lib'ty.. 
I Dem.... 
iWhig .. 
I Lib'ty.. 

Whig .. 

Dem.... 

Free S. 

Dem.... 

Whig .. 

Free S. 

Dem.... 

Rep .... 

-Amer'n 

Dem.... 

Dem.... 

Rep .... 

L nion.. 

Dem.... 

Rep .... 

Dem.... 

Rep ..„ 

Dem.... 

Ind.D. 

Rep .... 
iTemp.. 

Dem.... 

Rep ... 

G. B._. 

Prohib 



736,65Gi 



647,231 178 
50.^,0^7 83 
6Sr.502 21'J 
530,189, -19 
11 
33,108, 7 

761,519 170 
I 73 
26 
14 

' I 1' 

1,128,702 60 
1,275.017 234, 

7.0.59 

1.337,243 170 
1,299,068 105, 

62,300 1 

1,360,101,163 
1,220,544, 107 1 

291,263' I 

1,601,474 254 
1, .380,6781 42 

156.149 ! 

1,838 169 174 
1,341,264 114 

874,534 
1,375,157 
84.5,763 
1,866,352 
■5S9,.581| 
1,808,725 
2,216 067'216 
2,709,6131 80 
3,015,071 214 
2,834,079*66 

29,40S' 

3,597,070 292 

5,608' 

4,284,885 184 

4,033,950 185 

81,740—.. 

9,522 ...._ 



8 
12 
72 
180 
39 
21 



1876 
1880 
1880 
18S0 
1880 
1880 
1884 
1884 
1884 
1884 
1888 
1888 
1888 
1888 
1888 
1892 
1892 
1892 
1892 
1892 
11896 
1806 
1890 
1890 
1 1896 
1896 
1900 
1900 
1900 
1900 
1900 
1900 
1900 
1900 
1904 
1904 
1904 
1904 
1904 
1904 
1904 



Walker ' 

Hancock .... 
Garheld .... 

Weaver 

Dow 

Phelps 

Cleveland.. 

Blaine 

Butler 

St. John 

Cleveland .. 
Harrison.... 

Streeter 

Fisk 

CoW'drey .... 
Cleveland .. 
Harrison .... 

Bidwell 

Weaver 

Wing 

McKinley.. 

Bryan 

Levering .... 

Bentlcy 

Matchett.... 

Palmer 

McKinley .. 

Bryan 

Woolley 

Barker 

Debs 

Malloney... 
Leonard .... 

Ellis 

Roosevelt .. 

Parker 

Swallow .... 

Debs 

Watson 

Corregan.... 
Holcomb.... 



.Amcr.. 

Dem .. 

Rep ... 

G.B... 

Prohib 

Amer 

Dem .. 

Rep.... 

G. B 

Prohib 

Dem .. 

Rep. 

U. L 

Prohib 

U. L... 

Dem . 

Rep... 

Prohib 

Pcop .. 

Soc... 

Rep. 

Dem 

Prohib 

Xat 

Soc. L 

Nat.D 

Rep ... 

Dem. 

Prohib 

Pcop 

Soc. D 

Soc. L 

U.Chr 

U.R.... 

Rep .... 

Dem 

Prohib 

Soc... 

Pcop 

Soc . . 

Con . 



Popular 
Vote 



2,636 

4,442.035 155 
4,449,0.53 214 

307,306, 

10.487 

707! 

4,911,017 219 
4,848,334 182 

133,825 

151,809! 

5,538,233; 168 
5,440,216,233 

141,105' 

249,937 

2,808 

5,.556,918,277 

5,176,108,145 

264,133..-.. 

1,041.0281 22 

21,i64l 

7,10S,779,271 
6.502,925 17i> 

132,107 

13.969 

36,274 

133,148 

7,217,810 292 

6,357,826 155 

208,791 

50,218 

87,769 

39,944 

518 

5,098 

7,620,785 

5,080 304 

257,419 

387,644 

109,742 

42,206 

830 



336 
140 



*0win2 to the death of Mr. Greely, the 66 electoral votes were variously 
cast. Thomas A. Hendricks received 42, B. Gratz Brown, IS; Horace Greely, 
3; Charles J. Jenkins, 2; David Davis, 1. 

ABBREVIATIONS.— Dem., Democratic; Fed., Federal-, Anti-M., Anti- 
Mason; Lib'ty, Liberty; Free S., Free Soil; Rep., Republican; Amer., American; 
Ind. D., Independent Democratic; Temp., Temperance; G. B., Greenback; 
Prohib., Prohibition; U. L., Union Labor; Pcop., People's Party; Soc, Social- 
istic; Nat., National; Soc. L., Sociahstic Labor; Nat. D., National Democratic; 
Soc. D., Socialistic Democrat; U. Chr., United Christian; U. R., Union Re- 
ptibhcan; Con., Continental. 



352 



ELECTOR.\L VOTE BY STATES. 



ELECTORAL VOTE BY STATES. 





1904. 1 1900. 


1890. 


STA TE. 


1904. 


1900. 


isdo. 


STATE. 


r 




a' 


3 




3 


1 




>! 


f 




a 









Q- 


b 


'■i 


(3 




&• 





5- 


b 




b 




>3 




>> 




>i 






?0 




■ 




50 




Ahbaraa 




11 




11 




11 


Nebraska 


8 


8 






8 


Arkansas 

California 




q 




s 




K 




3 




3 




'A 


10 




9 




"s 


1 


N.Hampshire 


41 


4 





4 




Colorado 


5 






4 




4 


New Jer.sty... 


12 


'." 





lU 


— 


Connecticut .. 


7 




6 




6 




New York 


39 


36 


36 





Delaware 


3 




3 




3 




N. Carolina . 




12 




11 


11 






5 
13 




4 

13 

3 


:::: 


4 
13 
3 


N. Dakota 

Ohio 


4 




3 


1 3 







'\ 


23 

4 


23 
4 




Idaho 


3 


Oregon 




Illinois 


27 




24 




24 




Pennsylvania. 


34 




32 


32 




Indiana 


15 




15 




15 




Rhodelsland.. 


4 




4 


4 





Iowa 


13 
10 




13 
10 




13 


1 
10 


'S. Carolina .... 
iS. Dakota 


■""■■4 


9 


: 9 

4 


— 


tf 


Kansas .._ 


4 


Kentucky 




13 




13 


12 


li 


Tennessee 




12 


! 12 




12 


Louisiana 

Maine 




9 




s 




K 


Texas. 




IS 




ll> 




li 


6 
1 


■y 


6 

S 




6 

8 




Utah 


3 
4 




3 
4 




"4 


3 


Maryland 


Vermont 


"V^ 


Massachus'tts 


16 




15 




15 


1 


Virginia 




12 


1 12 




12 


Michigan 


14 




14 




14 




.Washington .. 


i) 




4! 




4 


Minnesota 


11 




9 




9 




W. Virginia.... 


V 




6i 


b 


— 


Mississippi .... 




10 




9 




9i 


\\ isconsin 


13 




12:.._. 


12i.. 


Missouri 


18 


.; 1 


17 
3 




17 i 
3 


Wyoming 


3 




3I 


1 ^ 


Montana 


3 






1 












1 


1 Total 


330 


140 


292 155 


271il76 



IMMIGRATION IXTO THE UNITED STATE.S. 



253 



IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITED STATES. 



Fiscal years 


ended J 


une 30. 












1'903. 


1904. 


CO VNTRY. 


Male. 

147,984 

2,308 

4,554 

3,513 

24,861 

13,034 

180,906 

2,499 

16,249 

5,829 

5,313 

92,935 

1,699 

1,733 

29.808 

2,790 

1,453 

15,-593 

15,956 

3,963 

835 

3 

580,484 


Female J Total. 
58,027 206,011 


Male. 


Female. 


Total. 




118,783 

2,593 

5,594 

5,305 

26,565 

10,949 

150,068 

3,164 

15,070 

4,165 

3,755 


59.533 

1,414 

3,103 

4,017 

19,9.55 

501 

44,087 

1,719 

8,058 

2,.549 

3,541 

49,575 

94 

480 

13,020 

1,720 

160 

14,928 

20,229 

4,305 

644 

1 


178,316 




1.152 

2.604 

2,065 

15,225 

456 

43,656 

1,499 

8,212 

3,478 

3,997 

43,158 

62 

347 

16,220 

1,187 

76 

10,626 

19,344 

2,190 

440 

2 

234,023 


3,400 

7,158 

5,578 

40 080 

14,090 

230,022 

3,998 

24,461 

9,307 

9,310 


4,007 




8,097 




9,322 


German Empire ~ 


40,520 
11,450 


Ttalv 


194,155 


MpthprlanHs 


4,883 




23,728 




6,714 




7,296 




136,093 94,563 

1,761 1,372 

2,080 2.758 

40,028 14,798 


144,138 




1,466 




3,238 




27,824 




3,983 

1,529 

26,219 

35,300 

6,153 

1,275 

5 


3,290 

3,988 

22,937 

10,502 

6,748 

1,185 

3 


5.016 




4,14S 


United Kingdom— England.... 
1 rplanrl 


37,805 
30,731 




11,113 


\Val*"S 


1,820 


Europe, not specifieci — 


4 


Total Europe.- 


814,507 


514,161 


254.299 


768,460 




2,167 

15,909 

79 

5,114 

507 

23,776 


42 
4,059 

15 
2,004 

70 


2,209 

19,908 

94 

7,118 

577 

29,966 


3,647 

11,417 

237 

3,989 

1,820 

21,110 


112 

1,029 

18 

1,070 

201 


3,759 




13,046 




255 




5,659 


Other Asia 


2,021 




6,190 


3,630 


24,740 


Africa 


121 

796 

123 

58 

728 

477 

416 

405 

5,743 

19 


55 
354 

9 

41 

300 

199 

112 

184 

2,427 




176 

1,150 

132 

99 
1,028 

076 

528 

589 

8,170 

25 


610 
1.045 

260 

109 

3.114 

517 

754 

1.430 

7.008 

35 


83 

498 

8 

30 

1,190 

236 

249 

619 

3,617 

23 

264,482 


693 


Au'^tralia. etc 


1,543 




26« 


Pirifif Islands 


199 


Brilisli North America 


4,304 


Central .\merica 


753 


Mexico 


1,003 


South America 


2,056 


Other countries 


11,28« 
58 


Grand total 


613,146 


243,900 


|857,046 550.879 


815.361 








1 





IMMIGRATION SINCE 1870. 



1870 _ 3<^7,203 1877 . 

1871 321, S.W 1878. 

1872 . 411.806 1879 

1873 4.^^,803 1880 . 

1874 . .313,339 1881 

1875 227.498 1882 . 
1870... 109,986,1883. 

The total recorded im 
of the government is. in 



Years ended June 



1884. 
1S85. 



.141.857 
.138.409 
.177.820 ISSO 
..457.257,1887 
.009.431,1888 
.788,992' 1889 
.603.322 1890 



.518.592 
.395.340 
334,203 
490.109 
.540,889 
444,427 



30. 

1891 500,3191 

1892 623,084 

1893 .502,917 

1894 285,0311 

1895 258,.530 

1896 343,267 



.455.302,1897 230,832 



1898 229,29« 

1899 311,715 

1900 448,572 

1901 487,918 

1902 648,74a 

1903 857,04* 

1904 815,361 



migration into the United States since the orgaoiteticm 
round numbers, 20,000.000 piTsons. 



254 



lAMILIES, DWELLING.S AND OW.M-RSHIP OF HOMES. 



FAMILIES. DWELLINGS AND OWNERSHIP OF HOMES. 



(Census rJOO ) 
IX THE STATES AND TERRITORIES. 



ST A TE. 


Faniiiics. 


Dwellings. 


Homes oj Private Familits. 




Total. 


Owned. 

"722,449 

7,212 

15,317 

119,827 

146.994 

54,905 

76.855 

13,641 

12,908 

50.930 

120,007 

6,321 

24,370 

451. .597 

312,283 

24,531 

282.760 

183,280 

218,142 

83,575 

102,537 

90,702 

200,127 

330,270 

208,189 

102,645 

322,244 

28,503 

120,705 

6,511 

50„593 

130,0.55 

29,223 

521,537 

16,5,222 

49,163 

481,592 

59,762 

50.174 

5.23,843 

20,009 

77,054 

50,785 

179,175 

261.933 

36.724 

47,751 

170,574 

57,204 

98,469 

274,010 

9,674 

7,218,755 


Hired. 

231,180 
1,644 

10,545 
130,411 
162,275 

61,386 
119,094 

23,835 

40.753 

55,920 
291,447 

21,086 

9,218 

547,309 

242,.5S8 

47,746 
183,0.53 
126,240 
204,009 
181,577 

55,028 
135.353 
379.696 
198.078 
118,034 
194,037 
307.492 

20,556 

90,711 
3.134 

42,840 
259,848 

13,118 

1,043,800 

188,162 

11,863 
431,301 

23,157 

33,745 
742 385 

04,362 
174,448 

22.610 
20<i,fl77 
299,302 

17.012 

31.014 
177,087 

45,113 

80.7.59 

137,009 

7,388 


Unkn'wn 




374,7fi5 

13,4.59 

29,875 

20.5,238 

311,781 

127,459 

203,424 

39,446 

50,078 

117,001 

455,557 

30,922 

37,491 

1,030,158 

571,513 

70,701 

480,878 

321,947 

437,054 

284,875 

103,344 

242,331 

613,059 

548,094 

342,0.58 

.318,948 

654,333 

55,889 

220,947 

11,190 

97,902 

41.5.222 

40,355 

1,0S4,523 

370,072 

04,090 

944.433 

80,908 

91,214 

1,320,025 

94.179 

209,804 

83,536 

402.530 

589,291 

50,190 

81,402 

304,517 

113,086 

180,291 

420,003 

20.116 


302,295 

10,505 

28,703 

259,001 

313,217 

120,304 

1.59,077 

3S,191 

49,3S5 

113,.594 

430,1.53 

32,306 

30,487 

845,830 

552,495 

75,539 

408,082 

314.375 

413,974 

269,395 

14S„507 

221,700 

451,302 

.521,048 

317,037 

310,903 

593..52S 

53,779 

213,972 

10,900 

80,035 

321,032 

'44,903 

1,0.35,180 

3'.0.491 

03,319 

857,030 

85,309 

87,.523 

1,230,238 

67,816 

259.302 

81.863 

3S5.5.S8 

57,5,734 

53,490 

75,021 

347,159 

106,622 

180,715 

398,017 

19,664 


370,980 

12,183 

27,817 

262,421 

324,090 

122,349 

200,040 

39,007 

55,465 

113,629 

450,712 

29,703 

35,819 

1,024,189 

567,072 

70,017 

470,710 

319,^22 

434,228 

281,449 

161,588 

239,837 

604,873 

542.3.58 

337,284 

316,114 

646,872 

52,125 

217,990 

10,472 

96,.534 

408,993 

45,510 

1,608,170 

307,505 

66.300 

934,674 

85,929 

87,545 

1,303,174 

92,735 

267,^59 

82,200 

399,017 

582,055 

55.208 

80,559 

360,749 

107.171 

183,780 

420.327 

18,6,32 

16,006,437 


17,351 


Alaska 


3,327 
1,955 


Arkansas 


12,1,83 


California 


15.421 
5,998 


Connecticut 

Delaware 


4,691 
1,531 


Dist. Columbia.. 
Florida 


1.714 
6 779 


Georgia 


29,598 


Hawaii 


2,356 


Idaho „ 

Illinois 


2,231 
25,223 


Indiana 

Indian Tcr 

Iowa 


12,201 
3,740 

10 897 


Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 


9,896 
12.077 
16 297 


Maine 

Maryland 


4,023 
13,782 


Massachusetts .. 
Michigan 


19,050 
14,004 


Minnesota 


11,061 


Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana „... 

Nebraska 

Nevada 


18,832 

17,136 

3.006 

0,574 

827 


New Hampshire 

New Jersey 

New Me.\ico 

New York 


3,101 
13.090 

3.169 
42,833 


N. Carolina 

N. Dakota 

Ohio 


14,181 

2.334 

21.781 


Oklahoma. 

Oregon 


3.010 
3.626 


Pennsylvania .... 
Rhode Island.... 

S. Carolina 

S. Dakota 


36.946 
2.364 

16,357 
2,285 




13.7C>5 


Texas 

Utah 


20,810 
1.472 


Vermont 


1,794 


Virginia 


13,088 


Washington 

W. N'irninia 

Wi'^consin 


4,854 
4,552 
9,308 


Wyoming 


1,576 


Total 


111,2.39,797 


14,474,777 


8,246,747 


.'.40,935 



REUGIOUS DENOMINATIONS. 266 

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1903. 



SUMMARY FOR 1903. 



DENOMINA TION. 






Advemisis (ti boa.es) 

Baptists (l;< bodiL-s) 

Brcthrun (.Kivtr, 3 bodies) 

Brethrun (l'lyniouth,4 bodies) . 

Catholics (.8 bodies) ..._ 

Catholic Apostolic 

Chinese Temples 

Chrisladelphiuns 

Christian Connection 

Christian Calhohc 

Cliristian Missionary As.sociat'n 

Christian Scientists 

Church of God 

Church of thcNewJcrus.ilem. ... 
Communistic Societies(6 bodies) 

Congrcgalionalists 

Disciples of Christ 

Dunkards (4 bodies) „ 

Evangelical (2 bodies) 

Friends (4 bodies) 

Friends of the Temple 

German Evangelical Protestant 

German Evangelical Synod 

Jews (2 bodies) 

L.atter-Day Saints (2 bodies).... 

Lutheran (22 bodies) 

Swedi'?h Evangelical (Walden- 
strom ians) 

Mcnnonitcs (12 bodies) 

Methodists (17 bodies) 

Moravians 

Presbyterian (12 bodies) 

Protestant EpiscojMl (2hd.=) 

Reformed (3 b(xlies) 

Salvation Army 

SchwcnkfclJians 

Social Brethren 

Society for Ethical Culture 

Spiritualifts 

Theosophical Society 

United Brethren (2 bodies) 

Unitarians 

Univer.salists 

In«lependent Congregationalists 



Grand total in 1903... 
Gra«d total in 1902... 



l,5,<t) 

35,829 

151 



13,422 
95 



1,.348 

104 

10 

1,11S 
400 
143 



6,213 

6,5f)7 

3,231 

1,415 

1,354 

4 

100 

945 

301 

1,525 

7,2 i3 

291 

1,138 

39,634 

127 

12,393 

5,150 

1,919 

2,3G1 

3 

17 



2,308 

540 

734 

54 



2,37 

51,492 

108 

314 

11,185 

10 

47 

03 

1,3 

110 

13 

5'>9 

580 

144 

22 

5,891 

11,157 

1,171 

2,042 

1,093 

4 

155 

1,213 

570 

1,324 

12,275 

307 

073 

57,572 

115 

15,452 

0,807 

2,491 

690 

4 

20 

4 

334 

70 

4,801 

45? 

780 

150 



89,476 
4 72^,775 

3,00.. 

001 
9,891,809 

1,491 

"i','277 

101,59 
40,000 

75 

00,283 

38,000 

7,909 

3,084 

6.59,704 

1,235,798 

115,194 

102,998 

116,555 

340 

20,000 

209,791 

143,000 

342,072 

1,715,910 

33,400 

59,892 

6,192,494 

10,095 

1,661,522 

782,543 

390,578 

25.009 

30(i 

913 

1,500 

45,030 

1,900 

280,114 

71,000 

53,538 

14,126 



2 
265 



340 



197 

49 

102 

*0 



198 

90 

181 

*0 



232 

17 

20 

374 

1 

180 

79 

13 

*149 



20 
♦lO 



149,963 19fi,719 29,323,15H 2,340 2,64" 482,459 
147,732'l94,072'28,840.699'l,33J 1,217 555,414 






0^ 5 



333 



188 



*9,011 
61,146 

160,110 



*177 
00 

"■51 

'*13 



70 
200 
100 
103 



34 

"'l-J 
475 

10 



753 

9 

137 

142 

17 

81 



*1 




4,390 

"8,'675 
77 



6,855 
28, '21 

9,000 

902 

*l,75l 



035 

"'r,'572 
30,567 

1,300 

618 

112,940 

590 

26,. 506 

15,209 

5,510 

2,475 



271 
2,702 

594 



♦Decrease, 



CHAPTER VII. 

National and Private Enterprises, 



The Panama Canal. 



The proposed Panama Canal is to be very nearly fifty miles 
long. The north end is at Colon on the Caribbean Sea and the 
south end at Panama on the Pacific Ocean. Its depth is to be 
forty feet, thus permitting the very largest vessels to pass through 
it. The width of the canal at the surface is to be from two 
hundred to two hundred eighty feet. The narrower parts are 
where the canal is straight, and the wider parts are at the curves. 
It is understood that the canal is far from being straight in all 
its course. 

There are two general plans now under consideration, viz : Shall 
the bottom of the canal be forty feet below sea-level or shall it be in 
its highest level some ninety feet above sea-level ? The second 
proposition takes three forms, to wit: Shall the canal be ninety 
feet, si.xty feet or thirty feet above sea-level. Should the canal 
be at sea-level no locks would be necessarj'. Ships could sail 
through it from one sea to the other without the use of locks, as 
is now the case in the Suez Canal. But in order to make it 
a sea-level canal a verj' deep cut through a rock ridge about 
eight miles broad must be dug. This is known as the Culebra 
Cut. This cut is necessarj' even though the canal be lifted ninety 
feet, but if sunk to the sea-level the cut must be so much deeper. 

If locks are used it is proposed to build an immense dam at 
Bohio (Bojio). This dam would extend nearly half a mile 
between two mountains or high hills, crossing the channel of the 
Chagres River. This dam would thus form a large lake by 
checking the flow of the river. Between Bohio and Obispo the 
country is almost level and is shaped like a dish, with a rim of 

256 



The Panama Canal. 

ATLANTIC OCEAN 







s*., 






-f^ 




/ 


*s> 




,i 


■^ 


f^ 


/ 


n 


ff." 


' • 




si 




^ 




c' 


#«» . 




»/ 


1 




-J« 




PACIFIC OCEAN \ 



267 



258 THE PANAMA CANAL. 

higii ground surrounding it. In this dish-shaped space would be 
the lake, nearly thirty square miles in area, and it would form a 
part of the canal for about eight miles. Double locks would be 
constructed at Bohio (Bojio) in order to lift the ships to the lake. 
Locks would also be necessary at the other rim of the lake near 
Culebra. 

From Colon to Obispo, a distance of twenty-nine miles, the 
country is low and marshy, covered with very dense tropical 
growth of trees, vines and underbrush. During the rainy season 
the larger part of this surface is covered with water. The ground 
is a soft, rich loam, the result of thousands of years of deposits 
from tropical forests. In these dense undergrowths, where the 
sun never reaches, the mosquitoes swarm in unendurable myriads 
and their bite is poisonous and causes malarial fevers. \'enom- 
ous snakes are also found in large numbers. No white man 
could work or live in these jungles in this torrid heat and fever- 
breeding atmosphere. On the Pacific side from Panama along 
the Rio Grande to near Culebra, a distance of nine miles, simi- 
lar conditions e.xist, but not so bad. Through these two low 
sections, about thirty-eight miles in all, the canal is to be dug 
and can all, or nearly all, be done by means of dredging; and if 
the health conditions were favorable the problem would be as 
simple as digging the Suez Canal through the sands of Egypt. 
But it is not as simple. Some think the work through the rocks 
of Culebra will prove a simpler problem than digging through the 
fever-breeding low lands. 

It is estimated that the sea -level canal will cost $300,000,000, 
■while the lock canal ninety feet above sea-level will cost S200, - 
000,000. But to offset this extra cost for the sea -level canal, it is 
estimated that the annual cost of caring for the lock canal will be 
two or three million dollars more than for the sea-level canal. 
Another item to be considered is the time which it will save in 
passing a ship through the canal with no locks. The lock canal 
would also be in greater danger of injury during war or earth- 
quake. At this writing the indications are that the sea-level 
canal will be built. 

It is estimated that 300,000,000 cubic yards of earth and 
rock will be excavated in building the sca-lcvel canal. Tliis 
would build a wall eight feet high and seven and one-half feet 
thick once around the earth at the equator, with some to spare. 

The tides on the Pacific coast are higher than on the Atlantic 
and with a sea -level canal a strong current would be forced 
through it to the Caribbean Sea. In order to avoid this a lock 
will be necessary at Panama. ^. 

"^ In all the plans for the Panama Canal how to control the 
Chagres River has been a serious question. During the rainy 
season, wliich is about three iourlhs of the year, it is a raging 



THE PANAMA CANAL. 259 

torrent. If permitted to flow into the canal it would soon fill it 
up with rubbish. By means of the Bohio dam a lake would be 
formed and thus the flood-waters would be held, to be used to 
feed the canal during the dry season. Thetjamboa dam is to be 
built in case either plan is adopted. In case the sea-level plan is 
adopted the Bohio dam will not be necessary. The Gam boa 
dam is to guard the canal against the flood-waters of the 
Chagres River. 

The Gamboa dam is to catch the waters of the Chagres River 
before they reach the canal, and by means of tunnels through 
the lateral mountains will keep the surface of the artificial lake 
below the level of the top of the dam, by drawing the waters off 
in another course. The water drawn otTby the conducts through 
the dam will be made to generate electric power, and at the same 
time, will reduce the level of the water above the dam. In case 
of a high-level canal it can provide the necessary water to supply 
the summit-level, or the artificial canal-lake spoken of on the 
preceding page. 

There are many side problems to be solved. The City of 
Panama must have a new sewer system and a system of water 
works in order to make the city healthful. The whole city must 
be raised several feet in order to obtain proper drainage. In 
furnishing Panama City with water, it is brought ten miles from 
Rio Grande Lake, near Culebra. 

A new harbor at Colon, on the Atlantic side of the canal, 
must be dredged and massive breakwaters constructed. At the 
Gamboa dam a great electric power plant is to be erected. By 
means of this, electric lighting and electric power will be supplied 
to the whole canal zone. All machinery necessary in the con- 
struction of the canal and the railroad will be run by this power. 
The whole canal will be lighted so that work may be done during 
night, as well as day. 

GOVERNMENT OF THE CANAL ZONE. The canal zone is ten 
miles wide, five miles on each side of the canal, and extends from 
the Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean. The United -States, by 
treaty with the State of Panama, has complete control over the 
canal zone, and in times of war may fortify and hold it against an 
enemy. The canal, however, is to be neutral to all nations, ex- 
cept when the I'nited States is at war. The canal will be a great 
benefit to commerce; but if that had been the only reason for 
digging it, there would have been no canal for several generations. 
Its benefit to the United States is largely in the nature of a de- 
fense. The lesson learned from the famous trip of the OljTnpia 
around South .America has not been forgotten. 

' The control of the canal-building and the government of the 
canal zone is largely in the hands of the President of the I'nited 
States. 



260 NATION.\L IRRIGATION. 



National Irrigation. 



In 1902 Congress passed an irrigation law for the purpose of 
reclaiming the arid land< of the great west. By this law all the 
money received from the sale of public lands is to be applied to 
build reservoirs ft)r the imi)ounding of the flood-waters, to be 
used as needed for the irrigation of arid lands. 

What has been done under the law? The entire western 
half of the United States has been studied by experts and their 
assistants, and all possible information for the water sujiply and 
the lands j)()ssiblc to be reclaimed have been considered. It 
is not sufllcicnt merely to build dains and turn the water into 
the irrigation ditches. The land must be reclaimed, sold and 
the money returned to the irrigation fund, to be used over and 
over again in doing other irrigation work. 

The Secretary of the Interior may fix the amount each actual 
settler may purchase ; this cannot be more than 160 acres, nor 
less than 40 acres. None but actual settlers under strict regula- 
tions can obtain this reclaimed land from I'ncle Sam. This law 
covers tliirteen states and three territories. 

" SOME WORK ALREADY IN VIEW. In Arizona the great 
storage dam on Salt River for impounding the flood-waters until 
they are needed is well on the way to completion. 

In Colorado the construction of a great tunnel from (lunni- 
son River to the desert region of the Uncompahgie \'alley is ia 
course of construction. 

In Idaho a great dam across the Snake (or Lewis) River is to 
be built and its waters will be distributed over a large arid region. 

The Truckee and Carson Rivers in N'cN'ada will l)e made to 
spread their waters over that part of the Great Interior Basin. 
The cf)untry where now only the sage brush grows will be made 
"to rejoice and blossom as the rose." 

All the works built by the national government are for the 
purpose of storing or regulating tlood-waters, or for lifting the 
waters to a higher level, so that the lands may be flo<ided. More 
than half of all the land in the thirteen states and three territo- 
ries yet belong to the United States, and (|uite a fraction of this 
public land will be made even more productive than that of the 
Mississippi \'a!ley, by means of irrigation. 

This work is no tax upon the .American people at large : the 
sale of the refleemed lands pays for the work. President Roose- 
velt said : "The pa.ssage of the national irrigation law is one of 
the great stey)s not only in the progress of the United States, but 
of ail mankind. It is the In-tiinning of an achievement so great 
that we hesitiiic to predict the outcome." 



NATIONAL IRRIGATION. 261 

THE MAKING OF ANOTHER EGYPT. Perhaps the greatest 
result of this national system of irrigation will be found in the 
lower course of the Colorado River, where it separates Arizona 
from California. Probably the only real positive desert in the 
United States was this region. Other sections of the country are 
semi-deserts, but here was the real article. We say "was" a 
desert ; but since 1900 there has been a change, and before the 
work is completed it will be a mighty change — a change from a 
d€serl to a paradise. "During the year of 1902 crops were pro- 
duced in this valley that averaged from sixty to eighty dollars for 
each of the one hundred and sixty-live thousand acres irrigated. 
This result was obtained, and this unparalleled transforma iin 
effected, by running a sixty mile canal from the Colorado R ver 
and distributing its soil-laden waters over the gently sloping val- 
ley floor, where once was the bottom of a great inland sea. The 
land was settled, as fast as water was available, by farmers from 
all parts of the country, and in less than two years from the time 
that water first began to flow upon the land the population of the 
valley was in excess of ten thousand. Half a dozen prosper- 
ous towns sprang at once into existence, several of which now 
have banks, refrigerating and electrical plants, and all the other 
conveniences and comfortsof old communities." — W. J. FRY'ER 
in R. of R. 

This was the result of a private corporation, but more than 
one and a quarter milUon acres of land lying along the lower 
course of the Colorado River will be redeemed from a desert and 
made into a garden spot, by the working out of the plans of the 
United States. The soil is of great depth and richness, as it was 
once the bottom of an inland lake or sea. 

The parallelism between the Colorado and the Nile is strik- 
ing. Both are sub-tropical ; both flow through a desert region ; 
both are in the same latitude, 32 degrees ; both overflow, and by 
irrigation make the surrounding desert exceedingly fertile ; the 
least flow of each river is more than suflicient to irrigate all the 
land that can be reached by its w-atcrs. 

In short, the redeeming of this desert will create a new Egypt. 

RICE FARMING AND IRRIGATION. The rice belt extends 
four hundred miles through soulliern and central Louisiana and 
south-eastern Texas, from the Mississippi River to the Brazos, 
and varies in width from twenty to fifty miles. 

It is well known that rice is grown in water, and it is there- 
fore necessary in growing rice to have an abundance of water to 
iood the land, and at harvest time to be able to drain the land, 
so the reapers may work. The " Rice Belt " has under it a sub- 
terranean sea, which has a foundation of clay from one hundred 
to two hundred feet from the surface. This clay bottom holds 
tbe water, 'ihe irrigating canals are filled from this exhaustiess 



262 



N.\TIONAL IRRIG.\TIOX. 



source by means of pumps during all the flooding season, which 
is nearly half the year. When the crop is ripened, the water is 
drained otT and the harvesters are set to work. The scene is 
now not unlike that of a Kansas wheat field in time of harvest. 
A man accustomed to the threshing scenes of the Mississippi 
Valley would feel at home at sight of the steam threshing outfit 
in the rice fields. 

There is .some irrigation east of the Rockies in Colorado, 
western Kansas and Nebraska, but it is the work of private 
companies and not from anything the United States has yet done. 

The Salvation Army is making a success of planting colonies 
on this section of irrigated lands. These colonists come from 
the poor and over-crowded sections of our large cities. 

Southern California, in the region of Los Angeles, once a 
semi-desert, is now a paradise of orange groves, vineyards, and 
other fruit producing ])lants. Irrigation is the magician that 
causes these transformations. 



UNITED STATES IRRIGATION STATISTICS. 



[Furnished by Uaile<l States Census Bureau.] 





1S99. 


1902. 


Gain. 


STATE. 


Acres. 


Cost. 


Acres. 


Cost. 


Acres. 


Cost. 


Arizona . . .. 


18.5,396 
1,445,872 
1,611,271 
602,568 
951,1.54 
.504,168 
203,893 
388,310 
629,2;>3 
135,470 
605,878 


$4,438,352 
19,181,610 
11,758,703 
5,120,399 
4,683,073 
1.537,559 
4,165,312 
1.843.7.57 
5.865.302 
1.722.369 
3.973.165 


247 250,84.688.298 


61,854 

262,848 

136,061 

111,027 

189,540 

65,883 

51,052 

65,883 

81,891 

19.492 

167,233 


$ 249.946 


California 

Colorado 


1.708,720 
1,754,755 
7 13, .595 
1,140,694 
570,001 
254.945 
439 981 
711,181 
154,962 
773,111 


23,772,1.57 
14.7.58.997 
6.190.071 
5.576.975 
1,706,212 
4,301,915 
2.089,609 
7,252,.582 
2,339,758 
4,701,049 


4..590.547 
3.093.021 


Idaho 


1.069.672 


Montana. 

Nevada. 

New Mexico.... 
Oregon 


893.902 
168.653 
136.'.03 
16"<.653 


Utah 


1,3><7,28(I 


Washington .... 
Wyoming 


608.^89 
727,884 


Arid states 

Kan'^as . .. 


7,263,273 

23,620 

148,.53S 

4,S72 

2.7.59 

43.676 

49,052 


64,289,601 

520.755 

1,310.69S 

17.980 

21.872 

284.747 

1,027,608 

3,192,660 

2,50.213 

2,529.319 

112,771 

1 851,509 


8,469,198 

28.922 
245.910 

10,384 
3. 328 

53.137 
230,170 


77,368,623 

599,098 

2.463 748 

45.087 

36,770 

381,. 569 

5.276.152 


1.198,502 

5,302 
98,272 

5,512 
569 

9,461 
180,518 


13,108,749 
69.343 


Nehr.i.ska 

North Dakota. 

Oklahoma 

South Dakota. 
Texas* 


1,1.59,3.50 
27.107 
14.898 
96,822 

4,248,544 










Scmiarid states 
Georgia 


273,117 

7,856 

201,685 

3,283 

29,690 


571,851 

8,581 

387,.580 

3.422 

38,220 


8,802,424 

274,990 
4,747.3.59 

112,905 
1,343,104 


299,634 

725 

J 85.895 

134 

8.530 


5,616,064 
24,777 


Louisiana 

N. CaroHna... 
S. Carolina 


2.218.040 

134 

491,595 


Rice stales 

United States . 


242,514 

7,782,0,59 


' 3.743.812 437,803 
71.514.754 9,478,852 


6,478.3.58 
92.649,405 


195,289J 2.734.546 
1.694.981 21.776,933 



♦Tliis includes rice irrigation. 



GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. 



263 



Great Railway Combinations. 

It is a natural tendency for railroads to combine, especially 
so where such combinations tend to form a continuous line of 
traffic. There is also a tendency to such combinations where the 
lines are parallel. The combinations in this case are for the pur- 
pose of killing off competition. A third reason for combinations 
is the tendency of the age to form trusts. It is in the very 
atmosphere. 

None of the great railway systems was built by one single 
company working to a single plan. The railroads were, as a 
rule, built as short, detached lines, but by purchase and com- 
binations most of the railroads of the United States have been 
united into ten great systems, usually known as follows: The 
Vanderbih System, the Pennsylvania System, the Morgan System, 
the Morgan-Hill System, the Harriman System, the Gould Sys- 
tem, the Belmont System, the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul 
Railway, Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railway, Atchison, 
Topeka and Santa Fe Railway. The following are the tables as 
given by II.T. Newcomb, editor of the Railway World, and pub- 
lished in American Review of Reviews : 

VANDERBILT SYSTEM. Miles. 

Boston and Albany 394 

New York Central and Hudson River 3,092 

Delaware, Lackawanna and Western 920 

Lake Shore and Michigan Southern 1,594 

Michigan Central 1,658 

New York, Chicago and St. Louis 533 

Cleveland, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis 2,335 

Lake Erie and Western 881 

Chicago and Northwestern 8,048 



Total 19,455 

ItiLKbLLn, OREAT RAILWAY COMBIN/iriONS. 16T 




TERRITORY OF VA-XDERBILT SYSTEM. 



364 



GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. 




Wm. K. Vasderbilt. 



PENNSYLVANIA SYSTEM. 



Mile*. 



Pennsylvania Railway 4,763 

Baltimore and Ohio _ 2,686 

Long Island..- „ 4 1 9 

Penn.sylvania Company 1,368 

Western, N. T. and Pennsylvania 643 

Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis 1,569 

Baltimore and Ohio Southwestern 923 

Cleveland, ,\kron and Columbus 205 

Grand Rapids and Indiana _.. 584 

Terre Haute and Indianapolis 613 

Total 13,772 



GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. 



265 



^^ 




THE PENNSYf.VANtA SYSTEM. 




MAP O^ XnB HABKIMAW SVsTEM. 



266 



GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. 



HARRIMAN SYSTEM. Miles. 

Illinois Central 4,648 

Chicago and Alton._ 844 

Union Pacific 3,177 

Southern Pacific , 7,634 

Oregon Railway and Navigation Co 1,059 

Oregon Short Line ^ „ 1,438 



Total „ 18.800 



L » I s c ^s/<f;i 




TtHlllTUKY or TUE MOKUA.N eTSTEM. 



GREAT RAILWAY COMBTXATIOXS 



267 




George J. Gould. 



GOULD SYSTEM. Miles. 

Wabash 2,321 

Wheeling and Lake Erie 247 

Missouri Pacific 3,594 

St. Louis, Iron Mountain and Southern 1,799 

St. Louis Southwestern _ 1,280 

Texas and Pacific 1,492 

International and Great Northern 825 

Denver and Rio Grande 1,655 

Rio Grande Western 582 

Total 13,795 



268 



GREAT RAILWAY COMBINATIONS. 




TLUIirrOUY OF ttie govld svsteji. 



MORGAN SYSTEM. Miles. 

Central of New Jersey 703 

Philadelphia and Reading 1,431 

Lehigh Valley 1.393 

Southern Railway .' 6,479 

Cincinnati, New Orleans and Te-xas Pacific 338 

Mobile and Ohio 688 

Central of Georgia 703 



Total. 



11,735 



MORGAN-HILL SYSTEM. Miles. 

Erie 2,410 

Great Northern 5,258 

Northern Pacific 5.050 

Chicago, Burlington and Quincy „ 7,740 



Total 20.458 



BELMONT SYSTEM. Miles. 

Ix)uisville and Nashville 3,158 

Nashville, Chattanooga and St. Lxjuis 1,189 

Total _ - 4,347 



GREAT RAIIAVAY COMBINATIONS. 



269 




James J. Hill. 



Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul 6,340 

Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific 3,739 

Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe 7,481 



Thi? makes a p;rand total number of miles of railroads con- 
trolled by these ten combinations 119,922; but there are 3,008 
miles controlled by two of these combinations known as the 
Norfolk and Western and Chesapeake and Ohio, which are not 
enumerated in the above, making 122,930 miles under the con- 
trol of these ten combinations. .Assuming the total mileage of 
railroads as 205,314 in the United States it would appear that 
these ten great groups either own or control sixty per cent, 
of all the railways in the nation. The other forty per cent, of 
railways are also more or less under the control of these great 
combinations. Perhaps less than four hundred directors control 
thi« stupendous aggregation of wealth and power. 



270 



R.\ILROAD ACCIDENTS. 




TSftHrroiiT or mi moiw)*i« hill stctem. 



STATISTICS OF RAILROADS IN THE UNITED STATES. 



[From the report of the Interstate-commerce commission for the year eaded 

June 30, 1903.] 

MILE.AGE AND EQUIPMENT. 



Single-track mileage .... 20.5,314 

Number of locomotives 43,S71 

Number of cars 1,7.53,380 

Number of employes .... 1,312,537 

PUBLIC SERVICE. 

Pa.ssengers carried t(94,S91,.73.5 

Tons freight carried 1,304,304,323 

CAPITALIZ.^TION. 

Common Stock $4,876,901,012 

Preferred stock 1.278,.59S.020 

Funded debt 6,444,431,226 



Other earnings (freight) $ 
Other earnings from op- 



eration... 



4,467,025 
46,792.r,27 



Gross earnings $1,900,846,907 

Operating expenses... 1,257,538,852 

Net earnings 643,308,055 

Net income 296.376,045 

Dividends declared 197,143,576 



Surplus $ 99,227,469 

INCREASE OF MILEAGE. 



Total $12,599,990,258 

Capital per mile 63,186 

Current Uabilities 864,552,960 

EARNINGS AND EXPENSES. 

Passenger revenue $421,704,592 

XIail 41,709,396 

Kxpress 38,331,964 

Othereamings (pass'gr) 0,821.277 

I-rcight 1,338,020,026 



Year. 


.\filfagr. 


Increase. 


1903 


207.977 


5.505 


1902.. 


202,472 


5,234 


1901 .. 


197.237 


3.892 


1900.. 


„ 193.345 


4,051 


1899.. 


189,234 


2.898 


1S9S 


. 1S6.396 


1,967 


1897 


1^4,428 


1,651 


1.896 


..182,776 


2,119 


1895.. 


180,657 


1,948 



Railroad Accidents. 

NEARLY 100.000 KILLED AND INJURED ANNUALLY. 
The number of persons killed and injured by railroad accidents 
is simply appalling. According to the rcix)rt of the Interstate 
Commerce Commission for the year ending June 30, 1903, the 
total number of persons killed in railroad accidents was 9.840, 
while the total number of injured was 76,553. Of the fatal 



RAILROAD ACCIDENTS. 271 

casualties, 3,606 were sustained by employees, 355 by passengers, 
and 5,879 by other persons. The class "other persons" includes 
casualties at highway crossings, trespassers and persons walking 
along the track, etc. It is a significant fact that 5000 of those 
classed as "other persons" were killed while trespassing upon the 
company property. The number of injuries sustained by 
employees during the year was 60,481, the number sustained by 
passengers was 8,231, and the number of "other persons" injured 
was 7,841. 

NUMBER OF CASUALTIES INCREASING AT AN ALARMING 

RATE. While it is true that there were fewer railway casualties 
in the last quarter of the year 1904 than in the quarter imme- 
diately preceding yet the fact remains that for the entire year of 
1904 the number of killed and injured by railroad accidents is 
even far ahead of 1903. The Commission's figures show that 
within the three months claiming the lowest accident rate for 1904 
still 951 persons were killed and 14,027 injured. At that rate 
the annual death roll from railway accidents in this country 
would stiU amount to nearly 4000 a year, while the list of injured 
would sum up more than 56,000. That these figures are sur- 
passed however is evidenced by the statistics of 1904, showing 
420 passengers killed in train accidents and other causes and 
8,077 injured, while of the railroad employees there were 3,367 
killed and 43 266 injured while actually on duty, or a total of 
3,787 killed and 51,343 injured, not taking into account accidents 
to "other persons." The increase in the number of deaths to 
passengers in train accidents in 1904 over 1903 is 64 1-2 per 
cent. This amazingly large per cent, is due no doubt to ten 
unusually disastrous railroad accidents well known to the public 
through the newspapers. These eight collisions and two derail- 
ments were responsible for 233 deaths and 277 injuries, an aver- 
age of 23 deaths and 27 injuries per accident, or about 23 per 
cent, of the total number killed in all the train accidents of the 
year, numbering over 6,000 collisions and 4,800 deraihnents. 

CAUSES OF TRAIN ACCIDENTS. Among the causes "assigned 
for the various accidents may be mentioned the laxity of disci- 
pline, long hours of labor, employment of ine.xpericnced men, 
overtaxing the facilities for handling business, carelessness and 
many others. The question at issue is the abolishment of these 
causes without regard to whether the result be death of a single 
obscure employee or a great catastrophe killing a large number 
of passengers. The above figures emphasize the necessity of 
better safeguards for human life on American railroads, because 
the list of casualties is altogether too great. 



272 THE PRIVATE CAR. 

The Private Car. 

WHY SO CALLED. Private cars are so called because they 
are not constructed and owned by the railroad companies or 
common carriers, but large shippers and other outside concerns. 

TWO CLASSES. There are two classes of private cars, one io 
which the property of the owner of the cars is transported and 
the other in which the owner is not interested in the contents of 
the car. In the first class the shipper owns the car, and the car 
is ordinarily only used for the carriage of the property of the 
owner. In the second class, however, the cars are usually owaed 
by some private car company which constructs or purchases 
the cars, keeps them in order and leases them to the railroad 
company. 

DIFFERENT KINDS OF PRIVATE CARS IN USE. There are 

three kinds of cars that are cliiedy owned and controlled by pri- 
vate parties; viz., the stock, refrigerator and lank cars The 
stock car is used for transponing live stock over long distances, 
the refrigerator car for moving fruits, fresh meats and other pack- 
ing house products, and the tank cars for the transportation of 
oil, etc. 

THEIR ORIGIN AND PURPOSE. Special conditions demand- 
ed special treatment. The private car industry is the outcome 
of a condition which was general a few years ago among the 
railways of the United States and which still e.\ists to some ex- 
tent at certain times on certain lines. In the case of live stock, 
both humanity and pecuniary interests demanded that the animal 
be transported as comfortably as possible and without suffering 
for want of food, water, fresh air, or anything that would other- 
wise reduce its weight and selling quality. The same was true 
of the movement of fruit from the fruit districts, and fresh 
meats and other perishable tratlc from the large packing houses 
and other sources for which a car was needed which would 
insure to its contents a cool, even temperature. The modem 
stock and refrigerator cars were therefore perfected, the use of 
which has grown to large proportions. They constitute b<^tler 
and safer vehicles of conveyance than those formerly used for 
the same purpose and are therefore regarded as improved meth- 
ods of transportation. 

WHY RAILROAD COMPANIES DO NOT OWN THESE CABS. 

The causes which Icil to the original i)roduciion of these cars by 
private interests were that the railroad companies did not care to 
invest their money in these e.Nperiments, but were willing to liire 
the car at a fair rental if when constructed and ready for use it 
would fulfill the requirements. Then, too, certain railroads, in 
certain sections, at certain times could not furnish cars enough to 



THE PRIVATE CAR. 273 

neet the demand of the shippers. The shippers, therefore, in 
self-defense, came to the rescue by having cars built for the 
handling of their own products. These cars soon represented 
the investment of a large amount of money, and the owners 
naturally sought opportunities to make their earnings reasonably 
steady and uniform, hence the cars came to be carrier of xnod- 
ucts other than those for which they were originally built. 
During the season of 1903 and 1804, mainly between the first of 
December and the first of May, 26,000 cars of citrus fruits were 
moved out of Southern California. The Georgia peach crop is 
said to have amounted to upward of 4000 cars during the season 
of 1904, which were shipped within a period of six weeks begin- 
ning about the middle of June. From points in Michigan 2000 
car-loads of fruit under refrigeration are moved mainly within a 
period of six weeks. To move the peaches of Georgia would 
probably require 3000 cars, and for the movement of Michigan 
fruits reasonably 1000 cars would be required. Now these 
different railway lines might well hesitate to invest enormous 
simis which would be required to provide necessary equipment 
when that equipment must lie idle the greater part of the year, 
but this could be well done by a private car company whose 
cars could be employed in the California orange traffic during 
the winter, in the Georgia peach traffic in June and July, and in 
the Micliigan fruit business during the fall. 

ADVANTAGES. The private car may therefore be of advan- 
tage to the carrier by enabUng him to use its equipments, needed 
for special purposes during limited periods, at less cost and the 
equipment which is provided is hkely to be more adeciuate than 
if the carrier himself undertook to own the cars. 

DISADVANTAGES. While private cars afford good service, 
there are also some evils attending the use of these cars. There 
are concessions made to certain shippers in refrigeration charges 
which are ecjual to the payment of rebates. A regular monopoly 
has also been created in the use of these private cars for the 
movement of fruit and other commochties, which has enormously 
increased the cost of transportation. Again, when the owner of 
the car becomes a dealer in the commodity transported, his 
ownership gives him a great advantage over his competitors, 
and lastly, when the owner of the car is also the owner of the 
goods transported, an excessive rental for the car may amount to 
a preference in the freight rate as against the shipper who does 
not have this advantage. 

EXCESSIVE RATES, DISCRIMINATION AND REBATES. It 

appears from the investigation made by the Inter-state Com- 
merce Commission that certain companies which own and oper- 
ate the refrigerator, stock and tank cars made contracts with the 
railroad companies by which the cax owner, as shipper, is 



274 THE PRIVATE CAR. 

charged with a certain rate per hundredweight for the tran»- 

portaiion of the shipment, and is allowed a mileage rate for the 
use of the car by the railroad. By degrees these car companies 
have grown so powerful that they can dictate terms to the rail- 
roads, enforce low rates on shipments and increase the rebate 
paid to them, w hile at the same time they charge excessive rates 
for the use of their cars by private shippers. These excessive 
rates are made up of exorbitant charges for icing the cars or 
otherwise preparing them for service. Formerly the rental for 
the use of stock cars was three-fourths of a cent per mile for the 
actual rental of the car loaded or empty. Some years ago this 
allowance was reduced to six-tenths of a cent per mile, which is 
the present rental. In some instances the parties owning these 
stock cars would pay the shippers a certain sum per car upon 
condition that such shippers would call upon the railroad com- 
pany for this particular car. By doing this, it would reduce the 
cost of transportation to him by that amount. It would practi- 
cally have the same effect as a rebate paid by the railroad com- 
pany. The use of the refrigerator car introduces a new element 
due to the fact that the car must be kept supplied with ice. The 
initial icing is sometimes done by the shipper himself. Ordi- 
narily when the railroad company furnishes a refrigerator car of 
its own equipment it provides icing also, but when the car is 
furnished by a private car company, that car company usually 
provides icing, for which it makes some specified charge. These 
charges, whether made by the railroad company or by the private 
car company, are claimed to be compensation for private service 
which is not a part of the transportation furnished by the common 
carrier. The car companies that make the rates for the private 
shippers claim that they are not common carriers, and are there- 
fore not amenable to the Interstate Commerce Act. 

PRACTICALLY NO COMPETITION. Some years ago, there 
were a nuinbcr of these jTivatc car companies which provided 
refrigerator cars for tlie transportation of fruit, etc. Any one 
of these private car companies sent its cars on to any line as the 
shippers might require. The railroad company paid mileage 
for the used of the cars and the car line company furnished the 
refrigeration. At the present time most all these car companies 
have been absorbed by the Armour Car Lines Company, which 
has practically a monopoly of the movement of fruit in large 
quantities in most sccti(ins of this country. There is also the 
American Transit Refrigerator Company, which operates over the 
Gould Lines, and the Santa Fe Fruit Express, which operates 
over the Santa Fe System, and there arc other refrigerator lines 
having a small number of cars engaged in this particular service, 
but there is no other company than the Armour Car Lines to 
move the peach crof) of Georgia or the fruits of Michigan. This 
company has adopted tlic rule that it will not allow its cars to 



niE rRI\ ATE CAR. 275 

go on the line of any railroad, unless it is under what is know 
as an exclusive contract, that is, the company agrees to provide 
whatever cars may be needed for the movement of the fruit crop, 
the railroad company paying for the use of these cars a fixed 
mileage, and agrees that no other cars except those of the 
Armour Company shall be allowed to engage in this service upon 
its lines. The Car Company furnishes the refrigeration, for 
which it makes a certain specified charge, which dilTers between , 
different points. Under these exclusive contracts the shipper 
must use an Armour Car. He is not permitted to furnish his 
own icing, but must pay the car company just what its refrig- 
eration charges are. These contracts as a rule afford the public 
good service and provide a more adequate supply of cars than 
could otherwise be obtained, but the prices for refrigeration 
have also been unreasonably increased. 

ADVANCED RATES. In 1898 the Armour Car Lines Com- 
pany furnished cars for the movement of Michigan fruits from 
points on the Pere Maniuette railroad to Boston, in competition 
with other private car companies, at $20.00 per car for refrigera- 
tion. Its present charge to Boston is $55.00 per car. Before 
the present exclusive contract was entered into, the actual quan- 
tity of ice used was charged at $2.70 per ton. Under this system 
the cost of refrigerating cars from Paw Paw, Michigan, to 
Dubuque, Iowa, averaged about $10.00 per car, while the present 
schedule is $37.50. The cost of icing from Alattawan to Duluth 
in 1902 was $7.50, while the present refrigeration charges between 
these points are $45.00. The cost of icing from Mobile to 
Cincinnati under the exclusive contract with the Armour Car 
Lines is $45.00, while the cost of performing the same service 
from New Orleans to Cincinnati over the Illinois Central is 
$!2.50. 



^76 THE FARMER. 

The Farmer the Bulwark of the Nation. 

In this age of great industrial movements and enterprises, 
the farmer is perhaps relegated somewhat to the rear of the pro- 
cession and does not receive the recognition and the credit which 
he deserves. Few realize his im[)ortance and the Vdst amount 
of wealth represented by the products of the farm. The follow- 
ing facts will show that the farmer represents a greater part of 
the country's resources than an\- other enterprise, and therefore 
is rightly (ailed the bulwark of the nation. 

THE COTTON AND CORN CROP. The cotton crop of a single 
year i> valued ai $tjUO,UUO,000, an amount that would give every 
family in the land $40. The corn crop is even greater. The 
value of com raised every year would pay the national debt, 
with interest for one year, and leave a sufficient sum for the ex- 
penses of the Government for four or five years. 

RICE AND MACARONI. Rice is a cereal which is not used 
very much in .American families, yet it was grown in 1904 to the 
€.\tent of 650,000 pounds. Macaroni is a foreign product, com- 
paratively new here, and not e.xtensively used, yet the "crop" of 
it would fill a bin^lOO feet wide and high and a quarter of a 
mile long. 

THE AMERICAN HEN. The .\merican Hen may seem insig- 
nificani in herself, but in one month the hens of the country lay 
enough eggs to [lay the interest on the national debt. One and 
one-third billion eggs a year are placed to her credit. 

HORSES AND MULES. The automobile is all very well in its 
place, but there is still a little value in the horse and mule. 
There is an average of $65 in horse-flesh for every family in the 
land, the whole amounting to almost $1,300,000,000. 

TOTAL VALUE $5,000,000,000. In 1904 the total products 
of the farm wire worth fiir bUlioii dollars. That is nearly equal 
to the value of the capital stock of all the railroads before the 
1900 boom, and is si.x times more than the coiubined capital of 
the National Banks. It is three times greater than the gross 
earnings of all the railroads, and nearly as great as the cost of all 
the manufactures in 1904. less the cost of raw material. In two 
years the farmers of the I nited States have produced wealth greater 
than the value of the gold taken out of all the mines in the world 
sin, e the discoverv of .Vmerica. 



THE FARMER. 



277 




CARROLL D. WRIGHT 
U. S. Commissioner of Labor. 

SAVINGS AND INCREASE IN CAPITAL. In six years sa\'ings 
have increased all over the land in about this ratio: In Iowa, 
one hundred and sixty four per cent.; in Kansas, two hundred 
and nineteen per cent.; in Mississippi, three hundred and one 
per cent. The increase of farming capital has been immense, 
and although the exact figures cannot be ascertained, it is estimated 
to amount to three or four hundred millions. Farming deals in 
figures which make ordinary sums and ordinar" business tran- 
sactions look small and insignificant. 



NUMBER AND VALUE OF FARM ANIMALS IN THE UNITED 

STATES. The total value of horses, mules, tattle, sheep and 
swine in the United States amounts to $3,006,586,737. On the 
following i)ages will be found statistics showing the number of 
these animals, together with their average price per head, and 
total value in each state, on January 1, 190-5. 



278 



NUMBER AND \ ALL'E OF HORSES AND ML'LES. 







NUMBER AND 


VALUE OF 






HORSES. 1 


il ILES. 


Stales 




' 






and 
Tirritories. 


t 


C "^ 






C 2 








-ij 


"il 






^ 




1 




t3 




r; >> 

"s^ 


- 


Al:ihama 


147.7.54 $71.33 


$ 10,539,723 


161,599 $97.52 


$ 15,758,485 


Arizona 


106,005 25.50 
253,419 50.52 


2,718,271 
14,322,391 


3,923 
15,S,.505 


47.77 

78.67 


187,385 


Arkansa,*! 


12,409.563 


California 


303.339 


07.48 


24,518,741 


66,361 


76.39 


5,009,044 


Colorado 


219.540 


41.96 


9,211,315 


9,280 


62.51 


580,112 




58,002 
35,089 


93.26 


5,409,438 
2,823,805 








Connecticut .. 
Ocl'i warp 


80^48 


5,387 


98'30 


529;56i 


i,/(. I4I rl tXl C .. .. - 

Florida 


47,413 

123,141 

145,195 

1,232.304 

636,141 


80.99 
99.42 
43.44 
85.04 
87.42 


3„S39,931 

12 243,293 

6,307,422 

104,795,102 

55.008. .572 

7,949,206 


10,025 120.87 


1,936,948 


Oeoriria. 


201,000 
1,5S2 

127,570 
57,435 
44,707 


117.96 
50.52 
87.17 
87.21 
73.99 


23,716,413 


Ickilio 


89,4ie 


Illinois 


11,120.700 


Indiana 


5.009,084 


Indian Ter 


193,849 41.01 


3,308,022 


Iowa 


1,144,4501 74.49 


85.2.50,740 


44,096 


80.05 


3,529,756 


kansas 


880,027 


05.92 


.58,0.52,2.53 


107,112 


75.67 


8,105.476 


Kentuckv 


395,352 


71.15 


28,127,471 


177.030 86.20 


15,200..524 


Liouisiana 


183,00S 


52.93 


9. 090, .587 


137,-574 


104.51 


14,377,177 


Maine 


130,150 


82.08 


11,175.449 
11,4.52,476 






— 


Maryland 


143,083! 79.71 


18,080 100.93 


1,824.7-45 


Mass'chuSvtts 


143,139,110.45 


15 809,296 


.„ 







Michigan 

Minnesota ... 


553 495 


87.71 


48,545.800 


2,632 


68.49 


180,272 


0.><8,700 


75.97 


52,320,8.58 


8,082 


75.59 


610.957 


Mississippi ... 
Xlissouri 


252,220 


62.98 


15,886,143 


219,902 


95.13 


20.919,089 


809,887 


09.14 


5.5,995,599 


243,406 


79.92 


19, 4, ■)7. 407 


Moniunj 


230,781 


3S.37 


9,084,698 


3,424 


57.17 


195,7.>t 


Nebraska 


795,552 


62.26 


49,534,.566 


52,844 


75.11 


3,969,198 


Nevada 


76,020 
63,025 


42.62 
79.08 


3,205.645 
5,031,342 


2,239 


50.13 


112,252 


New Hamp ... 




New Jersey ... 
New Mexico.. 


94,278 


98..58 


9,293,580 


~'4.974 


113;45 


564,316 


112,454 


22.68 


2,-5.50,612 


4 940 


40,79 


201,72« 


New York .... 


()37,000 


94.22 


00,077,605 


3.7S7 


102.20 


387,252 


N. Carolina .. 


104,030 


87.25 


14,311,389 


142.217 


102.92 


14.030.500 


N. Dakota... 


391,705 


70.00 


27,443.401 


7.4,57 


83.77 


024,707 


Ohio 


785,893 
354,976 


87.28 
52.08 


68,. 590, 001 
18,701,121 


10,454 
62,409 


80.83 
73.79 


1.42.8,700 


Oklahoma .. 


4,ti0.'.,362 


Oregon 


215,017 


54.42 


11,700,376 


6,805 


63.15 


429,7(2 


Pennsylvania. 


607,.500 


92.50 


56,231,811 


38,532 


99.87 


3,848,129 


Rhode Island 


15,704 


90.76 


1,430.099 









S. Carolina .. 


74,731 


88.45 


6.(ilO,239 


■■id6,.592 


lio'M 


11,746,672 


.S. Dakota 


407,258 


58.59 


27,37.5,247 


0.902 


68 00 


47.3.440 


Tennessee .... 


272,326 


78.61 


21. 408.453 


103.991 


93.84 


15.389,206 


Texas 


1,277.768 


35.46 


4.5,308,700 


391,038 


6087 


23,803.473 


Utah 


101.256 


39.05 


4.071.521 


2,004 


32.20 


66.461 


\'ermont 


90.894 


79 74 


7.248.213 








\'iri{inia.. 


2ti2,,506 


74.80 


10,635,,500 


""42!015 


93.46 


3!926.S84 


Wa.-ihin^ton .. 
W. \irt{inia.... 


22.5,7.55 


03.10 


14.244..307 


2.4.';5 


65 97 


160.635 


169,030 


74.64 


12.616.713 


9,888 


82 00 


8l0,79e 


Wistunsin 


567,554 


86.20 


48.921.705 


4,748 


72.33 


343.442 


Wyoming 


101,237 


29.92 


3,029,508 


1,481 


51.05 


75,606 


United States 


17,057,702l$70.37 


,$1,200,310,020 


2,888,710 $87 18 


$251840,37* 



NUMBER AND VALUE OF MILCH COWS AND CATTLE. 279 



Slatfs 

and 

Territories 



Alabama 

Arizona 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Idaho 

IlliDois 

Indiana 

Indian Ter... 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts .. 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Montana 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 

New Mexico .. 

New York 

North Carolina 
North Dakota.. 

Ohio 

Oklahoma 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania .. 
Rhode Island . 
South Carolina. 
South Dakota . 
Tennessee 
Texas ... 

Utah 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Washington 

West Virginia... 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming _ 

United States 



NUMBER AND VALUE OF 



MILCH COWS. 



'r- a 



230,120 

19,233 
280,863 
354 559 
120,557 
130,863 

35,127 

87,010 
277,295 

59.020, 
99.5,429 
547,584 

99,418 
1.335,832 
671,276 
280.716 
166,320 
189,125 
147.423 
190,027 
.556,149 
830,848 
272.004 
569.787 

55,030 
669.334 

10,0.55 
129,900 
184,018 

20,374 

1,721.541 

193,482 

194,332 

790,095 

180,730 

138.923 

1,080,723 

25,400 

109,704 

401,703 

282,529 

838,431 

72,971 

285,315 

2.52.727 

159,088 

180,379 

1,095,862 

20,167 



OTHER CATTLE. 



$19.63$ 
35.50 
17.27 
36.57 
30.53 
34.94 
29.25 
23.48 
24.73 
30.35 
29.53 
29.63 
24.67 
27.90 
23.69 
24.00 
22.84 
29.16 
29.54 
36.34 
28.77 
24.65 
22.50 
24.53 
32.88 
25.83 
37.56 
32.34 
39.33 
31.08 
31.72 
20.90 
20.18 
31.81 
19.35 
27.59 
29.91 
41.70 
24.64 
24.65 
21.88 
19.82 
31.12 
24.06 
24.92 
31.31 
28.05 
27.85 
34.58 



4,517,256 
682,772 
4,850,504 
12,966,223 
3,080,605 
4,572,353 
1,027,465 
2,042,995 
6,857,505 
1,809,407 
29,395,018 
16,224,914 
2,452,042 
37,209,713 
15,902,528 
6,881,184 
3,798,749 
5,514,885 
4,354,875 
6,927,385 
16,000,407 
20,028.303 
6,120,090 
13,970,875 
1,809,380 
17,288,897 
625,502 
4,200,900 
7,201,026 
033,224 
54,007,281 
4,043,774 
5,087,612 
25,152,008 
3,013,400 
3,832,880 
32,503,885 
1,001,932 
2,703,107 
9,901,979 
6,181,735 
16,617,702 
2,270,8.58 
6,804.679 
6,297,957 
4,981,0^5 
5,0.59,03 
30.519,757: 
697,375 



a, a: 



367,972 S7.82 

512,294 16.11 

473,6541 7.54 

1,122,218 19.29 

1,273,180 17.53 

85,743 17.33 

20,962 17.44 



17,.572,464 $27.44 $ 482.272,203 43,669,443 



512,075 
629,139 
358,251 
1,666,872 
985,141 
474,841 
3,407,,507 
2,682,299 
512,989 
400.896 
121.216 
133.979 
92,447 
699,914 
941,806 
389,281 
1,490,089 
1,048,455 
2,379,478 
390,020 
104,254 
79,599 
851,908 
917,574 
301.524 
598,705 
1,096,00 
1,284,399 
581,501 
774,496 
10,444 
173,071 
1,470,503 
424,880 
8.249,749 
254,301 
225,870 
431,827 
306,4.38 
3.38,305 
1,148..583 
812,061 



9.12 
10.28 
16.39 
20.74 
19.56 
13.57 
19.42 
17.21 
15.54 

9.;8 
16.16 
17.69 
16-2 
14.b2 
11. iS 

8.L0 
17.21 
18.42 
17.34 
16.49 
16.31 
20.00 
13.84 
10.19 
10.37 
16.47 
19.56 
13.32 
14.69 
15.95 
17 

10.92 
16..59 
10.94 
10.09 
16.69 
14.37 
16.00 
16.27 
19.73 
13.08 
21.33 



I 



$ 2,876,660 

8.:i52,.594 

3,570.070 

21.648,25S 

22,322,790 

1,485.702 

365,614 

4,671,966 

6 467.927 

5 8/1.095 
34 573.093 
19 266,:09 

6 445.; 04 
67 348 
46 159.94/ 

7972.8iS 
3 922,^6a 
1959.1 91 
2 369 9.:8 
1 546 o;3 
100 9.412 
10o29.:03 
3,191,832 
25,642.496 
19.314.006 
41.249,675 
6,429.481 
1.700,182 
1,591,732 
11,788,082 
14.855.1.58 
3. 1 2().860 
9,8.)8.87S 
21,451,600 
17,102.925 
8,544,232 
12,350.887 
184.9.39 
1,890,053 
24,389,434 
4,650,169 
83,260,593 
4,243,297 
3,246,005 
^ 7,100,172 
*• 4,986,006 
6,674,805 
15.714,44.1* 
17,321,264 



15.15 $661,. 571, 30R 



280 



NUMBER AND VALUE OF SHEEP AN'D SWINE. 





NUMBER AND VALUE OF 


States 


SHEEP. 


S]VINE. 


and 
Tcrritorilies 


t 


C 3 






11 






£ 


^^=3 


V 




'^=: 


V 




'< 


- t 


:2 


^ 




:S 


Alabama 


189.900 


$ 1.65 


1 312.424 


1,0.34,092' $4.53 


$ 4.084.437 


Arizona 


810,141 
204,065 


2.55 
1.60 


2.083.771 
327,075 


18,184! 7.44 
1,031.245; 3.63 


135.2«9 


Arkansas 


3.743.419 


California 


2,180,399 


2.67 


5,824,718 


521.384 


b.lU 


3.180.442 


Colorado 


1,4.58,749 
33,569 


2.68 
4.19 


3,911,344 
140,500 


77.3.57 


V.22 


55S,518 


Connecticut 


46,036 12.00 


552.432 


Delaware 


10.512 


3.92 


41,237 


45.1281 7.89 


356,060 




108,736 

273.893 

2,978,068 


1.95 
1.81 
2.62 


212.177 

496.102 

7. 796.285 


3.S3.741! 3.49 


1,339.2.5« 




1,. 396.922 
113.703 


1 5.14 
7.05 


7.180,179 


Idaho 


801,606 


Illinois 


705,3.58 
1.134.771 


4.27 
3.81 


3,010.821 
4,320.074 


3.747.120 
2.631,470 


6./4 
5.77 


25,255,589 


Indiana 


15.183.582 


Indian Ter 


26.560 


2.90 


76.978 


708.823 


4.73 


3.352.733 


Iowa 


698,316 
229,001 
054,999 
174,888 
270.025 
147,208 
40,818 


3.80 
3.10 
2.75 
1.79 
3.02 
3.66 
3.86 


2.6.52.483 
709,583 

1,800,592 
313,907 
815,043 
538,267 
157,.533 


7,290.ti25 

1.949.782 

l,185.63(i 

655.866 

64.701 


6.71 
6.25 
3.99 
4.78 
9.45 


48,920,094 




12,186,138 




4,730,688 




3.135.039 


Maine 


611.434 


Maryland 


290,324 7.41 
71,920 11.28 


2.151.301 


Massachusetts .. 


811.258 


MirhiKan 


1,759,()75 


3.50 


6,163,789 


920,447: 6.67 


6,139.381 


Minnesota 


385,003 


3 12 


1,202,. 558 


l,268..)i)l 7.05 


8.943.355 


Mis.sissippi 


183,739 


1.57 


287,736 


1,087,7,S0, 4.80 


5.221.344 




770.340 
5.638.967 

419.339 

1.345,791 

75.997 


3.13 
2.94 
2.98 
2.51 
3.22 


2,409.624 

16..55 1.495 

1.248,666 

3,378.608 

24.5.158 


3,110,.582 4.50 
57,.592: 8.11 

2.888.844: 6.51 
14.157) 8.47 
50.220 9.44 


13.997.619 


Montana 


467,071 


Nebraska 


18,806.374 


Nevada ... . 


119.910 


New Hampshire 


474.077 


New Jersey 


43.344 


4.36 


18,8.841 


150,988 10.40 


1.570,275 


New Mexico .. 


2.S56.745 


1.98 


5,656.356 


21,126 5.80 


122,.531 


New York 


985.480 


4.07 


4,009.525 


675,613 


8.36 


5,648.125 


North Carolina 


209 118 


1.99 


415.727 


1,0.58,146 


4.85 


5,132,008 


North Dakota .. 


702.290 


3.08 


2.159.823 


191,540 


7.37 


1.411.650 


Ohio 


2,601.010 
63,600 


3.41 
2.79 


8.865.284 
177..508 


2,701,2.50 
496.343 


6.30 
5.47 


17,017,875 


Oklahoma 


2,714,996 


OrcRon 


2,546.662 
895.982 


2.30 
3.81 


5.868.274 
3.41.5,394 


268,933 
980.0,80 


6.06 

8.28 


1,629,734 


Pennsylvania ... 


8,115,062 


Rhode Island .. 


8.216 


4.11 


33,748 


12,.569 


12.22 


1.53,.593 


South Carolina 


,58.857 


2.05 


120.374 


664.907 


5.52 


3,670,287 


South Dakota .. 


806.704 


2.99 


2.413,095 


836.824 


6.63 


5,548,143 


Tennessee 


297.374 


2.27 


676.288 


1.011.516 


470 


4,754,125 


Texas 


1,617.125 

2,344.108 

214.445 


2.08 
2.52 
3.28 


3.3.56.344 

5.908.5.58 

703.680 


2.52.5.048 
56.2.50 
90.405 


4.68 
7.62 
7.85 


11.817,225 


Utah 


428,625 


\'irmont 


709.679 


VirRinia 


452.128 


3.10 


1.40.3.813 


767.163 


4.97 


3.812.800 


WashinRtnn .. 


8;9.6I8 


265 


2.253.017 


174.128 


7.68 


l.;«7,303 


West VirRinia .. 


512,671 


3.19 


1.635,061 


.306,4.59 


5.33 


I.6.33.421J 


AVIsconsin 


921.632 


3.26 


3.007,838 


1.653,316 


7.78 


12.862,798 


Wyoming 


3,267,887 


2.46 
$ 2.82 


8,034,754 


15,665 
47,320.511 


805 
$5 99 


126.103 


United States ... 


45.170.423 


S 127,331,850 


$283,254,978 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Current Problems and Topics. 

EDUCATION AND CRIME. 

1, Percentage of Illiterate Persons and Prisoners in 
the Different States.— In 1890, 6,824,702, or 13.3 per cent, of 
the 47,413,559 persons in the United States, 10 years of age 
or over, were illiterate, and .17 per cent., or 82,329, were 
prisoners in penitentiaries, jails, etc. In the north Atlantic 
states only 6.2 per cent., or 859,989 persons out of the popu- 
lation of 13,888,377, 10 years of age or over, were illiterate, 
while 28,258, or .2 per cent, were prisoners. The popula- 
tion of the south Atlantic states, 10 years of age or over, 
was 6,415,921, of whom 30.9 per cent., or 1,961,888, were 
illiterate, and only .17 per cent., or 11.409, prisoners. The 
north central states had a population of 16,909,613, 10 years 
of age or over, of whom 5.7 per cent., or 964,268 were illiter- 
ate, and .12 per cent., or 19,954, prisoners. The south cen- 
tral states, with a population of 7,799,487, 10 years of age or 
over, of whom 29.7 per cent., or 2,318,871, were illiterate, had 
.2 per cent., or 16,084 in prison; and the western states, 
with 8.3 per cent., or 199,686, illiterate in a population of 
2,400,161 persons, 10 years of age or over, had .28 per cent., 
or 6,724, prisoners. 

2. Prisoners.— Of the 82,329 prisoners in 1890, 84.3 per 
cent, were confined in the north Atlantic states, 13.9 per 
cent, in the south Atlantic, 24.1 per cent, in the north cen- 
tral, 19.5 in the south central, and 8.2 in the western states. 

Louisiana shows the highest percentage of illiteracy, 
45.8 and 1,608 prisoners, or .2 per cent, of her population. 
South Carolina follows closely in percentage of illiteracy 
with 45 per cent., and has 1,184, or .14 per cent, of her pop- 
ulation prisoners. New Mexico comes next, with 44.5 per 
cent, of illiterates and 205 of population, or .18 per cent, 
prisoners; then Alabama, 41 per cent, illiterate and 2,518, 
or .23 per cent, prisoners; Mississippi. 40 per cent, illiterate 
and 1,777, or .13 per cent, prisoners; Georgia, 39.8 percent, 
illiterate and 2,9.38, or .22 per cent, prisoners; North Caro- 
lina, 35.7 per cent, illiterate and 2,033, or .18 per cent, pris' 
oners, and Virginia, 30.2 per cent, illiterate and 2,000, or .17 
per cent, prisoners. 

281 



282 EDUCATION AND CRIME. 

3. Read and Write.— Of the 82,329 prisoners tn the 
United States June 1, 1890, 7,:386, or 8.97 per cent, were 
charcjed with homicide, of whom 61.73 per cent, could both 
read and write, 4.84 per cent, could only read, and 33.43 per 
cent, could do neither. Of the neproes charged with homi- 
cide, more than one-half could neither read nor write; of the 
Indians, nearly two-thirds. 

4. Foreign Born.— The percentage of the illiteracy 
among the foreign born was nearly three times as great as 
among the native whites. Of the 47,413,559 persons in the 
United States in 1890, 10 years of age and over, 6,324,702 were 
illiterates. Of this number 3,212,574 were white and 3,112,128 
colored, 2,065,003 native white and 1,147,571 foreign white. 
Of the prisoners confined on a charge of homicide, 253, or 
3.44 per cent., had received higher education. 

5. The Occupation. — The occupation of 6,546 prisoners 
prior to incarceration was ascertained, of whom 102 were 
classified as professional, 38 official, 1,893 agricultural, 29 
lumber, 212 mining, 19 fisheries, 173 trade and commerce, 
;380 transportation, 1,086 manufactures and mechanical in- 
dustries, 690 personal service, 2,253 unskilled labor and 21 
miscellaneous. The number employed at the time of their 
arrest was 5,659, unemployed 1,225, unknown 467. 

6. Intoxicating Liquors. — The habits of the prisoners 
in respect of use of intoxicating liquors at time of arrest, as 
far as ascertained were: Total abstainers, 1,282; occasional 
or moderate drinkers, 3,829, and drunkards 1,267. Nearly 
one-half of the homicide prisoners were unmarried. The 
number of married was 2,715; unmarried, 3,615; widowed 
703 and divorced, 144. 

7. Ignorance. — Ignorance is a cause of crime, neverthe- 
less 66.57 per cent, of ill prisoners charged with homicide 
received the rudiments of an education m English of their 
own tongue, and 3.44 per cent, received a higher education. 
Ignorance of trade is a cause of crime, but II. IV) per cent, of 
the prisoners were mechanics or apprentices and a much 
larger number had the necessary skill to follow mechanical 
pursuits. 

8. Intemperance.- -Intemperance and idleness are no 
doubt the cause of more crime than all the other agencies com- 
binetl. Very few criminals there are who cannot trace their 
first crime to an idle hour or to some sparkling glass. The 
hot beds of crime are found in the cities in those low dives 
where morality and temperance are never thought of. 
Intemperance is the curse of mankind and if the saloon and 
intemperance could be eradicated nine-tenths of our jails and 
peniitntiaries would be without inmates. 



PRISON LABOR AND PRISON REFORMS. 283 

Prison Labor and Prison Reforms. 

1. Convict Labor. — As in this country, prison labor has 
been the subject of much discussion abroad. The labor 
system is the weak side of the otherwise strong system in 
England. This is seen in the use of the fly wheel. Prison- 
ers sentenced to hard labor may fulfill the sentence by 
turning the crank of a fly wheel so many thousand revolu- 
tions registered on an indicator. No prison official of the 
present day favors this plan. It cannot be called thrifty 
for the prisoner or for the prison. Nearly every applica- 
tion of labor for productive purposes in England is in 
making articles for the government. Everything used 
in the army and navy, in the post office, and other de- 
partments, that can be made in prison, is made there. 
Hand labor is chiefly used, but this work is of but little use 
in educatmg the prisoner for outside labor. 

2. English Labor Agitators.— It is strange that English 
labor agitators, so generally intelligent in regard to indus- 
tria.1 and economic questions, are so easily deluded into the 
belief that prisoners who labor for the government are re- 
movedfromthearenaof competition. The indifference to pro- 
ductive laborinEnglandmakesthe system an expensiveone. 

3. The Right Principle. — On the other hand there is no 
greater fallacy than that which assumes that the prison 
which pays all expenses is the best one or the cheapest. In 
some of our states the determination of legislators that 
prisons shall be self-supporting has been a barrier to reform. 
The prison is cheapest hnancrally, as well as best ethically, 
which succeeds in reforming the largest number of prisoners. 

4. Extreme Severity or Brutality.— Nothing is clearer 
to penologists there and here than that extreme severity or 
bruulity of any sort does not produce the best results. A 
prison discipline mav be strict, exacting, uniform, and at 
the same time stimulating and humane. Nowhere in Europe 
is found a discipline so thorough and one which at the 
same time furnishes so many incentives to the prisoner, 
as in the Elmira Reformatory of New York. It is interest- 
ing to note that the managers of every reformatory regard 
:his as a model. 

5. Commutation of Sentences. — In England and on the 
continent the method of commutation of sentences has been 
generally adopted; that is, a sentence for a definite number 
of years is reduced according to a certain scale by the good 
behavior of the prisoner. This system is in vogue in a 
number of our own states As to a system of probation 
there is nothing equal to that in use in Massachusetts, 




•284 



PRISON LABOR AND PRISON REFORMS. 285 

where a large number of first offenders are released on pro- 
bation and officers are appointed in every county to ex- 
amine and take charge of such cases. 

6. Capital Punishment. — In regard to capital punish- 
ment it is interesting to note that while the death penalty, 
is in force in all but three of our states, and in some of 
them not only for murder, but for arson, mayhem, rape and 
burglary, it has been stricken from the codes of several Eu- 
ropean countries. Capital punishment for ordinary homi- 
cides has been abolished in Russia for more than a 
century, although it is still the punishment of treason. In 
1874 it was abolished in Switzerland; permission to restore 
it was given to the cantons in 1879, but up to lb90 no canton 
had availed itself of the permission. Holland abolished 
the death penalty in 1870, Italy m 1889, Portugal in 1867. 
Facts collected by Mr. William Tallack,of the Howard As- 
sociation of London, show that in most of those countries 
capital punishment had long ceased to exist before it was 
abolished. The general testimony is that there has been 
no increase of murders in any of these countries since such 
abolition. 

7. Death Penalty.— Again it appears that in countries 
where the death penalty exists the number of executions 
for murder is very small. In Austria the average is 4 per 
cent, on convictions; in Prussia less than 8 per cent.; in 
Sweden, Norway and Denmark there is one execution in 
every twenty sentences for murder. In England, out of 
672 committed for wilful murder, 299 were convicted and 
sentenced to death, while 373 were either acquitted or found 
insane; of the 299 condemned to death, 14."), nearly one- 
half, had their sentences commuted. 

8. Suggested Reforms.— As a result of this compara- 
tive study, the penological reforms and improvements 
which seern to be needed in this country, are the improve- 
rnent of jails; the abolition of the lease'system; the exten- 
sion of the reformatory plan; the adoption'of the indetermin- 
ate sentence with the parole system; the extension of the 
probation system both for youths and adults, as in 
Massachusetts; work for prisoners committed to jail on 
short sentences; a higher grade of prison officers; the 
abolition of the spoils system in relation to prison manage- 
ment; an allowance to prisoners of a portion of their earn- 
ings, and its application to the needs of their families; the 
extension of manual education and industrial schools 
among preventive measures, and the organization of socie- 
ties for aiding discharged convicts, mainly in the direction 
of ])rocuring them employment. 



286 DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENX. 



*>»*>- - '^3, 




\ 



■i\ 



-kS 



5^ -Zr 



Hanging for Mutiny. 



The Different Methods of Capital 
Punishment. 



I. Rights of the Many.- The rights of the many 
against the criminal lias been held from the earliest times 
to the present, and it has been the basis of tliis general idea 
that capital punishment fiiuls its plac e in the jurisprudence 
of every time and of every nation. "An eye for an eye, a 
tooth for a tooth; yea, all that a man hath will he give for 
his life," is the formulated statement that makes the execu- 
tion of a fellow-man a possibiiitv in a civilized couutry. 



DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 287 

2. Methods of Taking Life. — When once primitive 
.nan had decided in his own mind that justice demanded a 
life for a hfe, he apparently exercised his ingenuity in de- 
vising methods to make the life-taking process as hideous 
and painful as he possibly could. The Cambodian stood with 
sword in hand and with several strokes cleft his victim in 
twain. Dr. Guillotin gave to the instrument which he devised 
a name which is a part of the language. The Prussian, 
with the directness which characterizes the Teuton, simply 
beheaded his victim with an ax, while the more resourceful 
mind of the Hindoo laid his victim in the street to wait the 
slow tread of the elephant whose lumbering hoofs were to 
crush from his body the vital breath. In Armenia the swift, 
bright blade of the razor gleamed as the last sight that 
greeted the eyes of the doomed. The modern view of cap- 
ital punishment has a two-fold object: First, to deprive-the 
dangerous man of a life that might again find itself bent on 
mischief; then to warn those whose tendencies are similar 
that their end would be the end of disgrace. It was because 
of the deterrent effect that is supposed to reside in the tak- 
ing of life that Moses tabulated his series of punishments by 
death. 

3. The Draconian System. — Under the Draconian sys- 
tem the lightest crimes were held so heinous that the pen- 
alty of death ran almost through the entire gamut. But 
this was subsequently so modified through the one adopted 
by the Athenian law that men were not only not deterred 
and prevented from committing crime, but exile for life 
was a commutation easily secured. In more modern times 
in England, after capital punishment was an accepted fact 
and a public exhibition, horse stealing, cattle stealing, steal- 
ing from houses and forgery in general were capital offenses. 
From these crimes down to the picking of pockets no 
wrongdoer was exempt from death. The list would be 
tedious to enumerate, but suffice it to say that one hundred 
and sixty forms of violation of the law were punished by 
the execution of the individual. 

4. Horrors of Persecution in Massachusetts. — In our 
own country, in 1650, in the colony of Massachusetts, the list 
had diminished until it contained only idolatry, witchcraft, 
blasphemy, murder, manslaughter, poisoning, stealing, false 
witness, treason, cursing and smiting of parents, rebellious 
sons, Quakers and Jesuits returning after banishment; and 
in the year 1790 this list had been reduced to treason, mur- 
der, burglary and arson. 

5. Different Methods. — The modes by which the pun- 
ishment is inflicted vary in every country, from the prim- 



288 DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISH MENT. 

itive method of beating the subject with clubs until life is 
extinct up to the application of the swift messenger elec- 
tricity, that iloes its work almost as quickly and subtly as 
human thought. The killing of a victim by beating to death 
is the legal mode among the Hottentots, and the scene 
which precedes execution is almost impossible to imagine. 
The criminal is seized and placed in a circle composed of 
the leading men of his tribe. His sentence determined 
upon, the chief strikes the first blow, and thereafter his 
judges rain upon him a succession of strokes that cease 
only when the bruised and mangled victim falls to the 
ground exhausted. More skillfully barbaroiis, but by no 
means as brutal, was the punishment of boiling the victim 
to death. This was imposed during the reign of bluff King 
Hal, without benefit of clergy, upon prisoners. Those con- 
demned to this mode of punishment were subjected to the 
process in boiling water, oil, molten lead, and sulphur. An- 
other scarcely less humane mode of depriving a humar. 
being of life is that of blowing the condemned from a 
cannon, a subject that hasbeen made painfully realistic by 
Vereschagin's great picture. 

6. Burning. — Burning is one of the lowest, and to the 
average mind, the most dreadful forms of loosening the 
human soul from its environs. The ancient Romans, the 
Jews, the Britons and other nations have made use of it in 
their scheme of capital punishment. The Britons threw 
their victims, many in number, into wicker cages made in 
the form of some well-known idol. The wood was heaped 
around it and the fire lighted. As the flames rolled upward 
and mingled their roar with the impotent groans of the vic- 
tims the likeness to the god was lost, but to him was ac- 
credited the vengeance imposed on the sufferers. 

7. Burying Alive. — Another horrible method of inflict- 
ing the death penalty was by burying alive. It seems 
almost incredible that, not satisfied with interring the con- 
demned, some barbarous tribes buried to the hips or 
shoulders, packing the earth firmlv in, and left their victim 
lielpless, to meet a lingering death of ex jiosure and starvation. 

8. Crucifixion. — Crucifixion, which the story of Christ 
has carried ovcrthe round world, is a form of punishment so 
repellant to modern ideas that it is almost an argument for 
those who deny tlie divinity of the Saviour who suffered. 
Yet Dr. Lyman Abbott has presented this practice as it ex- 
isted at the time of Christ in his brilliant and interesting 
description: 

" of all the cruel punishments of a barbarous age, cruci- 
fixion was the most barbarous. It possessed a bad pre- 



DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 28r:> 

eminence of cruelty in an age when fashionable audiences 
crowded the vast amphitheater to applaud the fearful 
horrors of gladiatorial combats, and fair women gave the 
death signal, and feasted their sanguinary eyes on the 
ebbing life of the defeated. It was in this age that Cicero 
called crucifixion a punishment most inhuman and shock- 
ing, and wrote of it that it should be removed from the 
eyes and ears and the thought of men. Too horrible 
for a Roman citizen, no freeman might be subjected to it. 
It was reserved, with rare exceptions, for slaves and foreign- 
ers. Upon this Gentile cruelty the Jew looked with special 
horror. The cross, like the eagle, was a sign of degrada- 
tion. Its iniliction by the Romans was a badge of Israel's 
servitude. The ancient law of Moses fixed a peculiar 
curse to it. To crucify even a corpse was to subn^it it to 
the greatest possible indignity. Thus the agony of pain 
was intensified by the agony of a peculiar shame. The 
physical agony of the cross was that of a lingering death. 
The victim's life was wrested from him in a fierce, but pre- 
determined battle, that lasted many hours, often several 
days. E.very moment of the hopeless contest added new 
agony to an anguish at first almost unendurable. The 
form^ of the Latin cross is as familiar as it is sacred to 
all Christendom. The sufferer was usually bound upon it 
as it lay upon the ground. The hands and feet were then 
firmly nailed to the wood. Lest this fastening should prove 
too frail, a transverse piece of wood between the thighs 
afforded additional support. The cross was then elevated, 
with the sufferer upon it, and fastened firmly in the ground. 
In this act the body was terribly wrenched. The concussion 
often dislocated the limbs. Then hanging between heaven 
and earth, the victim was left to die. The hot rays of an 
Oriental sun beat down upon his naked body and unshel- 
tered head. The ragged edges of his undressed wounds 
festered and inflamed. From these wounds shooting pains 
ran along in accelerating waves of increasing anguish. 
Every attempt to secure any relief from the unnaturally 
constrained position increased the torment. The blood, im- 
peded in its circulation, flowed in slackened and laborious 
currents. An increasing fever consumed the body with in- 
ternal fires; the head throbbed with anguish; the parched 
Hps burned with a raging thirst. As death drew nigh insects 
swarmed upon the body, and birds of prey commenced to 
feast upon it before life was yet extinct. Yet no vital 
organ was directly touched, and the stubborn life surrend- 
ered to its invincible foe only after a long and protracted 
siege. Even the pitiless and stolid Roman endured not 




> 
< 



■z 
o 

H 
(J 

U4 



2VK) 



DIFFERENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 291 

long the siglit of sufferings at once so protracted and in- 
tense. For death, if not hastened by other means, did not 
usually take place for four or five days. Rarely, however, 
was the wretched criminal suffered to die by the mere in- 
fliction of the cross. A thrust with a spear or a blow with 
the club at length put an end to tortures which wearied 
even the patience of the spectators. Crucitixion was not, 
however, uncommon in an age when no discrimination was 
made between punishment and revenge, and when ingenu- 
ity was exhausted in the endeavor to intensify the suffer- 
ings of those condemned for crime, or even captured in 
war. At the time of the siege of Jerusalem hundreds of 
Jews were crucitied together, and left to hang in sight of 
the city walls." 

9. Crucifrangium. — There was a peculiar punishment, 
and perhaps a capital one, called crucifrangium by the 
ancients, inflicted on Roman slaves and Christian martyrs, 
as also on women and girls. Under Diocletian twenty- 
three Christians suffered martyrdom in th's manner. The 
legs of the criminal were laid on an anvil, and by main 
force fractured by a heavy hammer, somewhat similar to 
the more modern custom of breaking the bones of offenders 
on a wheel by an iron bar. 

10. Beheading. — Beheading is of an ancient date, and 
was certainly known among the Greeks and Romans. 
Xenophon says that losing the head was looked upon as 
the most honorable death. The decollation, as it was called 
of St. John the Baptist shows the existence of this punish- 
ment among the Jews under the Roman governor of Judea. 
Suetonius tells that Caligula kept an artist in beheadings 
who decapitated prisoners in his presence, fetched indis- 
criminately for that purpose from the jails. The mode 
formerly practiced in England, by the ax and block (and 
still in use in Germany), and that which originated in France 
late in the eighteenth century and was gradually adopted 
in many other European countries — the guillotine — are de- 
scribed more in detail elsewhere. 

11. Breaking on the Wheel. — Breaking on the wheel is 
a mode of execution that has acquired some notoriety from 
the frequency with which it is mentioned in histories nar- 
rating the cruelties common in the Middle Ages, but it is 
really only one form of beating to death. The condemned 
was lashed upon the periphery of a large wheel, which was 
caused slowly to revolve, and as it revolved, he received a 
succession of blows from clubs in the hands of the execu- 
tioners, or from bludgeons worked by clumsy machinery 
such as the times furnished; thus bruising the flesh, break- 








I'-' ir 



EXECUTION IN CHINA. 



Ol)-> 



DIFFLRENT METHODS OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 29:J 

ing the bones, and steadily reducing the body to a mangled, 
formless corpse. The "wheel" was for centuries a common 
instrument of torture and death in several countries of 
Europe. 

12. Bisecting. — Bisecting such as is practiced by the 
Cambodians is thus described: "Samuel hewed Agag in 
pieces before the Lord;" also as instanced in the subjecting of 
the Rabbites to saws and axes and a roasting in a brick kiln. 
Thus used, the terms seem to include any rude, untaught 
mode of cutting the body asunder with an implement like a 
sword, or with a wooden saw; a martyrdom said to have been 
inflicted upon the Prophet Isaiah, and to have been a not 
uncommon fate of early Christians. Ep. Heb. xi, 37, says 
that "many were stoned, were sawn asunder." It is men- 
tioned as a Babylonian custom. 

13. Drawing and Quartering.— Drawing and quartering 
w-as not a distinct punishment, but an adjunct or circum- 
stance of aggravation formerly superadded in England to 
lianging for the heinous crimes, particularly high treason. 
In the ancient and severer form, sentence involving draw- 
ing and quartering directed that the offender should be 
drawn on a hurdle to the place of execution, and there 
hanged by the neck, but not until dead; that he should be 
taken down again, and while yet alive his bowels should be 
taken out and burned before hisface; and that afterward his 
head should be severed from the body, and the body divided 
into four ([uarters, and his head and quarters should be at 
the king's disposal. 

14. Stripping the Skin. — Stripping the skin from the 
body of the condemned while he yet lived was formerly the 
custom in England. It was, however, a barbarous mode of 
torturing an offender to death, rather than a punishment in 
a judicial sense. The mode of punishment which includes 
flogging and the "knout," recently abolished in Russia, also 
covered by the terms "scourging," and "whipping," has not 
been used, primarily at least, in the other European 
countries in modern times as "capital punishment;" that is, 
has not been used where the sentence or judicial design has 
been to inflict death.. 

15. The Garrote. — The mode of execution by the gar- 
rote seems to have been originally devised by the Moors 
and Arabs, and to have been taken from them by the 
Spaniards, by whom it has been transmitted to the Spanish 
colonies in America. In the earliest form it consisted of 
simply placing a cord round the neck of the criminal, whO' 
was seated on a chair fixed to a post, and then twisting the 

27 




THE GUILOTINE EXECUTION IN FRANCE. 



2!n 



MORTGAGE DEBT." 295 

cord by means of a Slick inserted between it and the back 
of the neck till strangulation was produced. Afterward a 
brass collar was used containing a screw, which the execu- 
tioner turned till its point entered the spinal marrow where 
it unites with the brain, causing instant death. 

i6. Hanging.— Hanging is, and has long been, the mode 
of capital punishment employed in England and America. 
In its simplest form, that of suspending the criminal by a 
cord around his neck from the branch of a tree, must have 
been of very early origin. Accounts vary as to the date of 
the introduction of the gallows as the instrument. This 
seems to have occurred in Roman dominions soon after the 
Emperor Constantine abolished crucifixion. An early form 
of this seems to have been a crude imitation of a tree — a tall 
post bearing at its top a projecting beam, from the end of 
which the fatal cord could be suspended. In the fifteenth 
century the gallows beam balanced, like that of a pair of 
scales, at the top of the post, from one end of which depended 
the halter, and from the other a heavy weight. When the 
rope was pulled down and put around the offender's neck, 
the weight at the other end lifted him from the ground. 

17. Execution by the Guillotine and by Electricity. — 
Far superior to hanging as a means of taking life judicially 
is execution by the guillotine and by electricity. The guil- 
lotine is at the present day employed in P^rance and her 
colonies, in Belgium, Norway, Sweden, and in Denmark. 
The accompanying illustration gives a clear idea of its 
workings. The electric chair is so far in use in the state of 
New York only. Although its operation was attended with 
some bungling at the outset, a consensus of opmion pro- 
nounces it now the safest and most humane method of 
taking life; and, judging by the several reports from the 
other side, the probabilities are that the system will soon be 
introduced into several European countries. 

Mortgage Debt. 

The census of 1890 gives the aggregate mortgage debt as 
$6,019,679,985. Debt of public corporations S6,000,000,000. 
The remaining private debt is estimated at §5,000,000,000, 
making the total private debt more than $17,000,000,000. 
The public debt amounts to 82.027,170,546. 

New Yorkers owe more than one-fourth of the mortgage 
debt, Pennsylvanians a tenth. These two states, with Massa- 
chusetts, New lersev, and Ohio, owe more than one-half of 
the debt, so that western and sc Jthern people need not feel 
that they mone have debt. 



• • \ 




THE EXECUTICM CF KEMLER. 
The First Electrical Execution in America, New York Citj. 



206 



HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM, 



297 










M:^^f^ 






^% 



' ■■ '' ill i' 'it* ' ' ■ 1 V'ft' 




IN THE JAIL YARD. 
The Schoolhouse Makes No Criminals. 

The Origin and History of the Com- 
mon School System. 

The thought that man as man, without reference to any 
special practical end, should be educated seems to hava 
occurred first to the Greeks, but it was not until the Refor- 
mation that men began to hold the opinion that every man's 
intellect should be so trained as to be able to read and 
inquire and think for itself. 

During what are called the dark centuries a state of 
aeplorable ignorance prevailed all over Europe. It is re- 
freshing to find in the history of this dark middle age two 
r>^onarcns who strove to give to their subjects the inestima- 
hl<^ privilege of lifting themselves out of the depths of ignor- 
ance m which they were immersed. At the accession of 
Charlemagne to the throne of France no means of educa- 
tion existed in his dominions. This monarch, who it is said 
was incapable of writing, invited men of letters from abroad 



298 



HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. 



to come and reside at his court and instruct himself and his 
family. He also established schools in various cities of his 
empire. 

In the ninth century Alfred the Great, of England, made 
similar efforts, but they died with him, his successors being 
too much occupied with warfare to continue the educational 
work thus initiated. 



«, ,,||:Jrjri;?'!'l^-I,v3V'rJiM]' 



to"!,''.! ■^ 



I 



i'll; 



i-i' 'I '. ' . ' 




NO SCHOOL IN REACH. 



Down to the time of the transitional movement in Europe 
from the niedia-val aires to tlie modern world, there is liv.le 
v{ interest to the cause of popular education to rect^rd. 

The influence of the reformation upon education v^.\s 
made manifest early in the seventeenth century. In 1618 



HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. 



299 



the Scotch Parliament adopted measures for settling and 
supporting a public school in each parish at the expense of 
the heritors or landed proprietors. The legislation was 
repealed at the restoration of Charles 1 1., but was re-enacted 
by the Scottish Parliament in 1696. 

Lord Macaulay says: " By this memorable law it was, in 
the Scotch phrase, statuted and ordained that every parish in 
the realm should provide a commodious schoolhouse and 
should pay a moderate stipend to a schoolmaster. The effect 
could not be immediately felt, but, before one generation had 
passed away it began to be evident that the common people 




THE OLD WAY OF TEACHING SCHOOL. 



of Scotland were superior in intelligence to the common 
people of any other country in Europe. To whatever land 
the Scotchman might wander, to whatever calling he might 
betake himself, in America or in India, in trade or in war, 
the advantage which he derived from his early training 
raised him above his competitors. If he was taken into a 
warehouse as a porter, he soon became foreman. If he 
enlisted in the army he soon became a sergeant. Scotland, 
meanwhile, in spite of the barrenness of her soil and the 
severity of her climate, made such progress in agriculture 
in manufactures, in commerce, in letters, in science, in all 



300 HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. 

that constitutes civilization, as the Old World has never 
seen equaled, and as even the New World has scarcely 
seen surpassed. 

"This wonderful change is to be attributed, not indeed 
solely, but principally, to the national system of educa- 
tion." 

Since then every power of the civilized world has 
adopted some system of public schools. 

What little objection has been made to taxation 
for universal education in this country has come from 
wealth, which says it cannot properly be taxed fur the edu- 
cation of the people. We must not forget that without [aw 
the ownership of that wealth could not exist. 

Jeremy Bentham says: "The idea of property consists 
in an established expectation, in the persuasion of being 
able to draw such or such an advantage from the thing pos- 
sessed, according to the nature of the case. Now this 
expectation, this persuasion can only be the work of the 
law. I cannot count upon the enjoyment of that which I 
regard as mine, except through the promise of the law 
which guarantees it to me. Property and law are born 
together and die together. Before laws were made there 
was no property; take away laws and property ceases." 

The words, "I cann-'^it count upon the enjoyment of that 
which I regard as mire, except through the promise of the 
law which guarantees it to me," come home with significant 
meaning in this day of socialism and ot clashing between 
capital and labor, which now so often occurs in the mon- 
archies of the Old World, and even in our own land. The 
law guarantees the right of property, but instantaneous 
with the creation of the right of properly must exi^t the 
paramount claim of the government to such portion of 
It as may be necessary fully to effectuate that guaranty. 
The law must be upheld and respected, or else all rights of 
ownership are in jeopardy aiid industry paralyzed. 

To maintain the law, education of the people is more 
potent than standing armies. 

Lord Brougham, in the House of Commons, said : " There 
have been periods when the countrv heard with dismay that 
the soldier was abroad. That is not the case now. Let the 
soldier be abroad; in the present age he can do nothing. 
There is another person abroad — a less important person in 
the eyes of some, an insignificant jierson, whose labors 
have tended to produce this state of things. The school- 
master is abroad I And I trust more to him, armed with his 
E rimer, than 1 do the soldier in full military array, for up- 
olding aii-d extending the liberties of his countrv." 



HISTORY OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM. 



301 



"It is intelligence," said Daniel Webster, "which has 
reared the majestic columns of our national glory, and this 
alone can prevent them from crumblintr into ashes." 

State education, being so important to national exist- 
ence, is tlierefore a very appropriate object of taxation. 

In the English colonies of this country the people were 
accustomed to support the church by taxation. In many 
of the New England towns they had their church, and the 
town chose its pastor and supported him, and in many cases 
the pastor was also the schoolmaster. In the course of time, 
however, the sects multiplied, and the church in conse- 




THE NEW V/AY OF TEACHING SCHOOL. 

quence became disconnected from the town government; 
but the work of education by the government was continued. 
One of the first legislative acts of the Continental Con- 
gress was in 1787. It was enacted that schools and means 
of education should forever be encouraged, and in pursu- 
ance of tnis policy the government set apart the sixteenth 
section in each township for the support of public schools. 
This enactment was for the territory north of the Ohio river. 
Notwithstanding the educational interests begun in this 
small way, it has developed great results. It was in this 
way that education was extended to the west, and since the 
abolition of slavery in the Southern states our public school 
system has been carried South, and the youth of all the 
states of the Union are now blessed with the privileges of a 
free public school, 

2tt 



302 THE HOPE OF OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 

The Origin of the School District.— Children caiinot 
properly be required to go further than two miles to school, 
and wherever the rectangular survey prevails, of course, 
there is a regular system of locating schoolhouses. The 
township is six miles scjuare. It is customary to locatea 
public highway on each section line. These highwjiys 
divide the township into little squares of one mile each, and 
it is customary to locate a schoolhouse at each alternate 
cross-roads. This plan gives to each township nme school- 
houses twomilesapart. A school district is thus made two 
miles square with a schoolhouse in the center. But this is 
an unfavorable shape. Those who live at the corners of 
the district are two miles from school. A more convenient 
method for forming district is recommended by Jesse Macy. 
By this plan a district is formed, containing five square miles 
insteid of four, and no one who lives upon a public highway 
can be more than a mile and a half from school. On this 
plan the children living on the same highway go to the 
same school, while on the other plan they often goto differ- 
ent schools.- 



The Hope of Our Public Schools. 

1. The Safety of American Institutions. — When the 
American people gained their independence they estab- 
lished the free public school. The founders and fathers of 
our country early saw that the safety and perpetuity of our 
country depended upon education. The nations that lead 
in civilization, in prosperity in invention and in general 
progress are those who have adopted some system of com- 
pulsory education and what is true of other nations is also 
true of ours. If civilization advances the public school 
must leail the way. 

2. What Is Education. — It is the uplift of one soul by 
the personal contact and effort of a superior soul, wvt in a 
material, but in a moral and intellectual sense. And no 
appliance or method can take the place of the superior 
soul. How infinitesimal appear all educational machinery 
when Arnold of Rugy arises before us. To rub against 
such a man for an hour was worth all the machine work of 
a whole year. 

3. Our Supreme Need. — Our supreme need in the 
schools of to-day is men, not machinery, not methods, not 
appliances. We need men of character, of conviction, of 
steadfastness of purpose. 




THE 



SCHOOL TEACHER CLOSING SCHOOL. 

303 



304 THE HOPE OF OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 

If right character is to be produced in the public school, 
it must be through the influence of those who have a right 
character. The great mass of America's youtr. receives 
nothing beyond that which tlie [)ubhc school offers. It is 
therefore an essential that our youth be trained in the pub- 
lic school in all that tends to make true citizenship. 

4. Knowledge not Education. — .Vlthough every great 
teacher, from .'\ristotle until now, has insisted on a more 
rational method, we are still tyrranized over by the tradi- 
tion that etlucation is synonymous wi h the acquisition of 
knowledge. It is not an education to know many things. 
The brain may be loaded with a mass of heterogeneous 
facts.date added to date, mountain height to mountain height, 
river length to river length, population to population — until 
time or finance fails, and then the education is far from 
complete. Digestion and assimilation are as necessary to 
mental as to physical health. Only applied knowledge 
is power. He is most truly and really educated who is pre- 
pared for the great work of life. 

5. Moral and Religious Training.— Saying nothing of 
creeds and dogmas, the youth of our nation must be under 
the charge of teachers who inculcate the principles of man- 
hood. Honesty, integrity, the duty of man to man and of 
man to God must be impressed upon the mind in the forma- 
tive yeai s or the youth develops to be a burden and a curse 
to the community which he should assist to enlighten and 
to elevate. 

6. Responsibility of Teachers. — He who has not been 
overwhelmed with the importance of the great and sacred 
work of instructing the youth, lacks the first elements of 
fitness for it. Pyramids crumble but the proudest achieve- 
ments of the architect are surpassed by the teacher. His 
work tends to the building of the character of the individ- 
ual and the enlightenment and Christianizing of the com- 
munity and the nation and in this respect sweeps into eter- 
nity. Let our schools be presided over by patriotic teach- 
ers who are sound in morals and withal whole-souled Chris- 
tians and the future of our country is determined. 

7. Value to National Life "and Prosperity.— Joseph 
Cook aptly and truly says : " There are no proper concep- 
tions, 1 think, in society at large, of the value of educating 
the uncicane.st poor. Why, where have many of the great- 
est inventors come from? Who was Robert Burns? Who 
is the American Edison? Who was Fer>:uson when he lay 
on his back and stretched a thread before him, put beads 
upon it and marked the positions of the stars and made a 
map of the constellations in the peasant's hut? Who was 



THE HOPE OF OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 305 

that railsplitter who was assassinated in Washington at the 
end of a civil war, and over whose eloquence as well 
as over whose statesmanship, every zone of the planet 
stood hushed in wonder? The talent that lies in the 
lowest population — how are we ever to know how great 
it is unless we bring Burns out from under the thatch, 
and Ferguson up from his peasant's hut, and our Edison 
into proper employment, and our Lincoln from his hovel up 
and up, until he finds the place God made for him at the 
summit of political power in the foremost nation of modern 
times? Where are the lax executors of law, and the fleec- 
ers and tempters of the poor, who keep the vail of vice or 
ignorance hung over the eyes of the lower populations? A 
man very rarely finds out what great things are in him un- 
til he drops all the weights that impede his race. He does 
not know how swift he can be until every bad habit is 
sloughed off. Where are the men who execute the laws 
against intemperance? Shut your grog shops, open your 
schools, and God knows what flashing jewels you may yet 
dig out of the neglected ores at the very bottom of the un- 
wrought mine of the modern world." 

8. Incentives to Higher Education. — Our public schools 
are the incentives to higher education. Our colleges and 
universities, scattered all over the Union, controlled princi- 
pally by Christian denominations, and conducted on broad 
and liberal plans, must depend largely upon the public 
school for their patronage. In the public school the desire 
for higher education is awakened and if fostered by the 
teacher, leads to noble and enlightened citizenship. Why 
can we fill so many institutions with students, if not for the 
fact that in the public school, the youth is led to see the ad- 
vantages and possibilities of a truly educated man. 

9. Importance of Schools. — The schoolboy of to-day 
becomes the voter of to-morrow. The millions of youth 
now in the schools of America are soon to decide all the 
grave questions of national interest which concern us as a 
people. The ballot more than the bullet must determine 
the destiny of our country. The ballot in the hands of the 
ignorant may do more mischief than the torch of the incen- 
diary in the towers of the metropolis. Our schools are the 
palladium of our commonwealth. 



306 SCHOOL SAVINGS BANKS. 

School Savings Banks and How to 
Organize Them. 

1. What Parents Owe to Their Children. — It is a 
lamentable fact that few children have any knowledge of 
the value and use of money. Few parents give their chil- 
dren little, if any discipline, in the art of saving money, and 
consequently children grow from childhood to manhood and 
womanhood without any knowledge of business. 

2. Teaching Children the Value and Use of Money. — 
Children should be taught the practical lessons of business 
in connection with their school studies. The study of arith- 
metic is but a theoretical system of business, and if the les- 
sons can be made practical and applied, there will be ten 
times the benefit to pupils. There is nothing better than a 
school savings bank to bring out that which will be most 
available later in life. Business training cannot be begun 
too young; every school should have a school savings bank, 
and no doubt it will be the means of making many prosper- 
ous and successful business men as well as furnishing val- 
uable lessons to the girls, which will make them competent 
and available in supporting themselves, should it ever be 
necessary to do so. 

3. The School Savings Banks System. — The school 
savings banks system, so favorably known and acceptably 
used in some European countries, has attracted consider- 
able attention in the United States during the past year. 
Its experimental introduction in a few schools here has 
proven it a successful and valuable educational factor. It 
would appear that only a wider knowledge of the simplicity 
of inculcating thrift, in connection with book learning, was 
recjuircd to insure its general adoption. 

4. In Three Hundred Schools. — School savings banks 
are in use in three hundred schools in this country, and the 
28,000 scholars who are depositors have about $140,o00 to 
their credit. These school banks are in eleven different 
states, Pennsylvania having one hundred and forty of them 
and New York sixty-five; the others being in Nebraska, Xer- 
mont, Maine, Indiana, California, Oliio, North Dakota, 
Massachusetts and New Jersey. These have, with few 
exceptions, been established since 1888; most of them dur- 
ing 1890, 1891 and 1892. F"requent inquiries as to the prac* 
tical working and advantages of the system beK)ken pop- 
idar interest in this method of teaching economy. 

5. Noble Examples.— Madame Carnot. wife of the late 
r rcnch president, gave a Chnsimas entertainment in 1^68 



SCHOOL SAVINGS BANKS. 



SOT 



to 400 of the poorest school children in Paris at Elysee Pal- 
ace, and gave each child a school savings bank book with 
credit of 10 francs. Many lesser instances of practical en- 
couragement to the poor are cited by the French press. 
The greatest assistance that can be extended to an individ- 
ual is to teach him to help himself, to see and understand 
his own resources and responsibilities. Pope Leo XIII. at 
a papal jubilee gave a bank book and 100 francs to each 




DOING BUSINESS WITH SCHOOL BOYS. 



boy and girl in a certain district, born on New Year's day. 
A contribution of one franc or a half franc to start a school 
account, given to a child, or better, an opportunity shown 
him to earn the same amount, instills the initial lesson of 
economy quite as effectually. 

6. How to Establish a School Savings Bank. — In 
order to establish the system successfully it is necessary to 
have the co-operation of a bank and the approliation of the 
school authorities. The distribution of a few facts in regard 



308 SCHOOL SAVINGS RANKS. 

to the practical economy through printed literature.the news- 
papers or a little meeting called to present the work seldom 
fails to win the desired support. The banks in most towns are 
so anxious to secure the children's deposits that they have 
^^ladly assumed the expense of printing the required forms; 
mdeed, in some instances it has been a delicate matter to 
decide which bank should have the privilege. The managers 
realize that if the children deposit with them they are likely 
to become customers in later life, and from a business stand- 
point they are always ready to encourage habits of thrift. 

7. School Authorities Endorse It.— The school authori- 
ties are usually in glad accord with the idea of teaching 
economy in the schools; the teachers themselves, in most 
instances noted, ate enthusiastic in the work. The children 
enter with zest into the accumulation of their earnings and 
savings, while the development of their individuality and 
self-dependence is a matter of general comment. When 
the system is about to be instituted the teacher explains to 
the scholars the end and aim of the school savings banks; 
that it is to teach them the practical value of money, how 
it grows by attention, the benefit of industry, the delight o) 
giving and spending wisely, with other salutary lessons ir, 
thrift as oiiportunity occurs. The roll is called every Monday 
morning lor the collection of the children's savings. This 
occupies only a very short time, even the morning the work 
is instituted. Each child who is a depositor has tlie little 
copyrighted savings bank card, on the face of which is his 
name, that of the teacher and the school. On the back are 
the regulations. The card is folded, and on the inside is 
the date for each Monday in the school year, with space 
opposite for amount of dcjiosit. 

8. Names Are Called.— When the names are called by 
the teacher each pupil who desires to deposit steps up with 
his card and money, hamling them cjuickly to the teacher, 
saying, " Yes, 5 cents," or whatever the sum may be. 
She with a figure credits the amount on the child's card 
and on her roll book; passing the card back to the child, 
who keeps it always m hand as a memorandum and 
receipt. The first collection in the scho<d is deposited in 
the bank as a general scliool fund. When a scholar has 
deposited 50 cents or one dollar, as the authorities may agree, 
he is given a bank book and the money is placed to his per- 
sonal credit by the bank; when he has 83 an interest of 3 per 
cent, is allowed him by the bank, and he has the privileges 
ot an adult depositor, acting through school facilities. 

10. Teachers' Monthly List of Depositors.— With the 
last collection of each month the "Teachers" Monthly list-of 



SCHOOL SAVINGS BANKS. 



309 



"Good principles and good habits are in themselves a fortune.' 



O I t) 

o p 



t: "I 



P 






5' 



CD 

o 

CD 



(0 
C 

a> 

(-♦■ 

(t> 

p. 






p 



?; & 



CD 

a 
o 

tD 



W 

o 
M 
O 

o 



o 

W 
> 

w 

c 



o 
p 



CO 

p 



o 

e 



O 

D" 
(T 
•-J 
P" 
O 



i'. 



5J .r 



EH 00 






o 



o 

w' 



= o 

i: a. 

p 

c- o 



./ncxa'Bonpa luoTiBJCd enn is jo ii'ed iTsiiuassa u'b si Stiia'Bs jo aTQB^ aqi, 

"The masses know how to earn better than they know how to save." 

zr. 



o 

B 



3 



P- 
CD 
O 
P 



P' 

o 

3 

a 



V . 

CD 
P 
p. 
P» 

a 

cr 
o 



p 

TO 



e = 



o ■p 



p- 
p 



o 

1-1 



S" 
p 

c^ 

P- 
o 



p- 
o 

p 

•a 



p 






cr ^ C 



p- 

CD 






g 



cr 
p 
p 



p- 



O 
P 



1 
P 

o 
p' 



V 

a 
p 

5' 

B 

c 

(D 

o 



p 
•< 

D" 

O 

B 
» 

01 

o 
►1 



p 
p 



«< 

o 

p 
p 



p- 
p 



3 

o 

B 
v: 

c 



c 
B 



o 



o 
p 

TO 

C 
a> 

r^ 
p- 
CD 
<< 



<D 
P 

& 



' ^ 8 



1^ 

cr 
o 

p- 

9= 
B 
i^ 

D- 
O 
O 

o 



p- 

o 

c 






o 



o 
o 



"» "2. 



(D 
CD 

o 



p 
p 

o 

«) 



CD 
CD 

O 

C5 
P" 
P 
"I 

TO 
a> 



p- 

(D 
P 
P 
•P 

B 



P 



O 
P 

o 
o 

CD 

B 



B 
TO 
o> 

W 

p 
B 



p- 



IE f- , * 



& 

V 

a 



p 



o 
p 
p 

a- 

CD 



►" _. c 



E 



CD 

o 



TO H= 

P 

p i-l 



B 
►J 
O 

o 



p- 
o 



p 



P 



P- 
CD 



P 
P 



CD 
P 



P* P- 
O CD 



P 
o 



P- 
o 

o- 
p 
p 



p 



cr 
p 
p 

PT 



cr 

V3 



p- 
CD 



(D 
P 
O 





o 
p 
p 



c 
TO 



'i t: — 



CD 



C — 



P- o 

CP r- 



5' 

C5_ 

•5' 
p 

p- 
o 



3 S 



> 

H 
O 

z 

X 



n 

n* 
o 

Ui 

< 
s 
TO 
m 

CO 
9> 

S 

(A 

o 



& p- 

CD 



c 

B 
3. 

S 

P 

o 

E 

p' 

Tl 



,"B9Aieetnamjo divo aJit'x iiia^sj'biiop am pn'c saTiitiad aqi jo sivo aK«l,» 
28 



310 



SCHOOL SAVINGS I'.ANKS. 



Depositors" is sent by each teacher to the principal of the 
school, and by him to the bank with the children's bank 
books that individual credits may be properly made. 
These lists are returned by the bank to the principal with 
the sdiolars' bank books during the week. The bank books 
are given to the children to take to their homes the last 
Friday of the month, to be returned with the following 
Monday deposits. 

II. Signature of Parent or Guardian and Principal. — 
The check with which pupils withdraw their money rccpiires 




A SCHOOL SAVINGS BANK. 



the signature of parent or guanlian and principal. The 
principal uses tlie general school fund bank bt)ok, received 
when the first scliool deposit was made. It is always sent 
with the week's deposits and returned to him by messenger 
with full amount or credit. This frees him from responsi- 
bility, and the arrangement is such that any ermr can be at 
once traced tii its source. 

12. No Power to Withdraw Money. — The principal or 
teacher has no i)()wcr to withdraw money personally. The 
bank books taken into tiie home once a month arouse family 
interest, and parents often have been interested to curtail 
needless expenses by the practical lesson in the accumula- 
tion of small savings thus taken to them. Ihe ciiildren 



SCHOOL SAVINGS BANKS 311 

enjoy this instruction which fits them for everyday life and 
must develop to more self-reliant manhood and woman- 
hood. 

13. A Thorough Trial.— This system has been on trial 
for two years in Montgomery county, Pennsylvania, now 
having it in use in sixty of the schools. We have heard no 
discouraging word of it save from the cigarette and candy 
vendors, who complain that it injures their trade. The 
teachers express much gratification in the credits of the 
scholars, and have themselves acquired some practical 
knowledge of banking. 

14. The Young Man with a Future. — One principal 
tells us of a boy who was obliged to stop school to learn a 
trade at fourteen preparatory to family support, but who is 
so interested in his school fund that he walks to it, ont. 
and a half miles, every Saturday evening for a year past 
with 25 cents to add to his account. This boy will doubtless 
make a provident successful man, and is only one of the 
many who are being aided through this easy instrumentality 
to know the value of systematic thrift. 

15. May Solve the Problem of Daily Existence. — The 
child becomes an active rather than a passive agent; he is 
a recognized part of the nation, an individual factor, gainmg 
with his book learning an acquaintance with the principles 
of thrift, a knowledge wherewith he may solve the problem 
of daily existence. The average boy and girl who have 
thus deposited their small savings go out into the broader 
life from the public school having $100 or $200, perhaps 
more, to his or her individual credit. 

16. Rich and Poor Children.— The children of the rich 
and the children of the very poor perhaps need this econo- 
mic instruction most, though there are many women and 
some men in the middle walks of life to-day who cannot 
without aid make out a bank check and endorse it or give 
the simplest receipt in form. This instruction gives the 
children familiarity with these forms, through practical use, 
with their earliest learning. The children of well-to-do 
people, who have money given them as a regular allowance, 
have surprised their parents by the amount saved in this 
manner. In some cases they have kindly given, in an un- 
ostentatious fashion, pennies to schoolmates, enabling them 
to start accounts. 

17. Voluntary Deposits. — The deposits are all voluntary 
on the part of the pupils. From one-third to one-half of 
the scholars in the schools where the system has been intro- 
duced become depositors, some making additions weekly, 
others less frequently. The work is entirely philanthropic. 



312 

bringing reward to the children, the neighborhotA^s, ancj 
through them, to the nation — our nati<Hi, great in m 
strength, great in its need of purifying and enlarging influ- 
ence to insure perpetuity as God's nation, 

18. Late Records.— Records of late school meetings in 
Belgium and Denmark report the Trustees of Public In- 
struction and School Inspectors as speaking ably to the 
pupils on improving and keeping in mind through life the 
lessons of thrift allowed them through the school banks. 



Military Training in Public Schools. 

Within the past few years this idea has found favor with 
many, and yet it is as strongly opposed by many of our 
ablest, most intelligent, and most patriotic citizens. It is 
argued that we are a peace-loving and peace-making na- 
tion; that it is inconsistent to teach our children the princi- 
ples of peace and the arts of war at the same time. It is 
hardly possible that the system will be universally approved 
and adopted. We append some arguments used by those 
in favor of the system. 

1. Discipline. — Discipline and good government make 
a school. Without proper subordination and a due respect 
on the part of the pupils for law and order, there can be no 
intellectual jirogress. Discipline consequently is the essen- 
tial principle of a successful school, and the 'irst lessons of 
civil government and respect for law are thus early im- 
pressed upon the mind of the pupil of the public school. 

2. Military Discipline. — The monotony of the school 
work can be broken and a greater interest manifested on 
the play ground by organizing the different grades into 
small military companies or bands; teachers should become 
familiar with the common military tactics, and should drill 
the school in marching and the use of arms. Wooden guns 
and a wooden cannon can be easily made at a small ex- 
pense, and the boys will take great pride in the work, and 
the teachers will find it not only pleasant, but a profitable 
influence among the students. 

All pupils should be first trained in grades and then all 
united into one company for general drill and parade. 
After pupils have attained some proficiency, officers should 
be elected or appointed and a regular military organization 
perfected. 

3. Good Government. — Military discipline and drill 
are found to be of great assistance in preserving good gov- 
ernment, in holding the student's attention to study and in 
sharpening the intellectual faculties. There results an in- 




J 
o 
o 

(J 
m 

u 

03 

D 






< 
< 



314 MILITARY TRAINING. 

creased excellence in academic work. Obedience and a 
proper respect for authority become second nature. The 
cadet in learning to obey develops in himself that rarest 
and most precious gift, the power of self-control, which 
marks the noblest type of man. Moreover, there is a charm 
and an incentive in a military atmosphere that appeal to 
the most sluggish nature and inspire one to increased ef- 
fort to excel. 

4. Indifferent Students. Hence it is that many indif- 
ferent students, on passing from a common school to a mil- 
itary institution, surprise their former teachers and ac- 
quaintances by earnest application and brilliant results. 
Rank and office being the reward fur a good deportment 
and scholarship, the student is impelled by a motive power 
not existing elsewhere. The cadet officer in performing 
his duties in commanding and in directing his fellows, 
learns lessons that will be of lasting value to him in after- 
life. Both as officer and as private the cadet learns to at- 
tend carefully to matters of personal neatness and exem- 
plary deportment. There is no other system by which are 
instilled so thoroughly order, patience, punctuality, cheer- 
ful obedience, respect for one's superiors, and a sense of 
duty, honor and manliness. 

5. Good for Brain Work. — "Under a system of mili- 
tary education it would seem that there must be a loss in 
the time and energy available for the usual academic work. 
Experience shows that the very opposite is true. It is seen 
that the time devoted to military mstruction and exercise 
is more than compensated by the increased mental activity 
and vigor of the student. His attention is sharpened and 
his intellect quickened. He is more alert and can acquire 
more in a given time. It is not every youth who is studious 
by nature and who acquires knowledge from the love of 
acquiring." 

6. To Accomplish the Best Results. — " To accomplish 
the best results the young student should be placed in sur- 
roundings favorable to industry; he should breathe a busy 
atmosphere. In the common school left to himself to regu- 
late his hours of study, and exposed to the innumerable 
temptations of society and gooil fellowship, the pupil uncon- 
sciously or heedlessly loses valuable time. In a military 
school it is otherwise. Life is regular as clock work. Not 
only recitation and drill, but also recreation, study and even 
sleep have their allotted hours. In this way the pupil 
learns method and acquires good mental habits." 



GOVERNMENT NAVAL SCHOOL. 315 

Admission to the Qoverment Naval 
School at Annapolis. 

1. Naval Cadets. — In 1882 an act of Congress provided 
"that all the undergraduates at the naval academy shall 
hereafter be designated and called 'naval cadets,' and from 
these naval cadets who successfully complete the six years' 
academic course appointments shall hereafter be made as 
it is necessary to fill vacancies in the lower grades of the 
line and engineer corps of the navy, and of the marine 
corps." 

2. Number of Appointments. — It was provided further, 
however, "that no greater number of appointments into 
these grades shall be made each year than shall equal the 
number of vacancies which has occurred in the same grades 
during the preceding year. And that these appomtments 
to be made from the graduates at the conclusion of their six 
years' course shall be in the order of merit; the assignment 
to the various corps to be made by the Secretary of the 
Navy upon the recommendation of the academic board. 
And if there be more graduates than vacancies, those who 
do not receive appointments in the service shall be given a 
certificate of graduation, an honorable discharge and one 
year's sea pay." 

3. The Appointments. — Let us see how the appoint- 
ments to this great government school are made, and the 
requirements, both physical and mental, of a candidate for 
admission. The revised statutes say: " That there shall be 
allowed one naval cadet for every member or delegate of 
the House of Representatives, one for the District of Col- 
umbia, and ten at large. The Secretary of the Navy shall, 
as soon after the 5th of March in each year as possible, 
notify in writing each member and delegate at the House 
of Representatives of any vacancy that may exist in the 
district. The nomination of a candidate to fill said vacancy 
shall be made upon the recommendation of the member or 
delegate, if such recommendation is made by the first day 
of July of that year; but if it is not made by that time the 
Secretary of the Navy shall fill the vacancy." 

4. Actual Residents.— The candidate allowed for the 
District of Columbia and all the candidates appointed at 
large shall be selected by the President. Candidates 
allowed for Congressional Districts, for territories, and for 
the District of Columbia must be actual residents of the 
districts or territories respectively from which they are 
nominated. 



316 



GOVERNMENT NAVAL SCHOOL. 



5. A Candidate. — A boy who has the appointment in 
hand or in view should have himself thoroughly examined 
by some competent physician. It not frequently happens 
that a candidate who may be admirably equipped mentally 
linds himself sadly deficient physically, ^lany a lad who, 
in his country home, was the leader in athletic sports, or 
whose name upon the village streets stood fur a prowess of 
strength, learns to his amazement, when subjected to the 
scrutiny of the board of surgeons, that he has some disabil- 



4 




-.■n***?* 



THE OUTCOME OF A SEA BATTLE. 



ity of which he never dreamed. Impaired vision, disease 
01 the organs of vision, imperfect color sense, impaired 
hearing or disease of the ear, any impediment of speech, 
loss of many teeth or many teeth generally unsound, are 
some of the conditions that are sufficient to cause the rejec- 
tion of the candidate. 

6. Mental Requirements. — Next, as to the mental re- 

auirements: All candidates are to be examined mentally by 
le academic board in reading, writing, spelling, arithme- 



GOVERNMENT NAVAL SCHOOL. 317 

tic, geography, English grammar, United States history and 
algebra. Deficiency in any of these subjects will be sufficient 
to insure the rejection of the candidate. Only a sketch of 
the mental examination can be given within the limits cf 
this article. 

7. Reading and Writing. — In reading and writing can- 
didates must be able to read understandmgly and with 
proper accent and emphasis, and to write legibly, neatly 
and rapidly. In spelling they must be able to write from 
dictation paragraphs from standard pieces of English 
literature, and the spelling throughout the examination will 
be considered in marking the papers. 

8. Arithmetic. — In arithmetic the candidate must pos- 
sess such complete knowledge of the subject as will enable 
him to proceed at once to the higher branches of mathe- 
matics without further study. The examination in algebra, 
will be elementary in character, and is limited to questions 
and problems upon the fundamental rules, factoring, alge- 
braic fractions, and simple equations of one or more un- 
known quantities. 

9. Grammar. — In grammar candidates must exhibit a 
familiarity with all the parts of speech and the rules in re- 
lation thereto. They must be able to parse any ordinary 
sentence given to them, and generally must understand 
those portions of the subject which are usually taught and 
comprehended under the heads of orthography, etymology 
and syntax. 

ID. Descriptive Geography. — Candidates will be re- 
quired to pass a satisfactory examination in descriptive 
geography, particularly of our own country, and it is well 
for the candidate to bear in mind that his knowledge of the 
geography of the United States cannot be too full or 
specific. 

II. History of the United States. — Candidates should 
also be familiar with as much of the history of the United 
States as is contained in the ordinary school histories. 

ii2. Where to Go for Examination. — Candidatef for 
admission to West Point are now by law allowed to present 
themselves at certain designated army posts for examina- 
tion, but unfortunately no like condition exists for the naval 
academy candidates, and they are all obliged to present 
themselves for examination at Annapolis. Those who have 
been nominated in time for them to reach the academy by 
the loth of May will receive permission to present them- 
selves on that date to the superintendent for examination 
for admission. Those that may not be nominated in tim*" 
to present themselves at the ^Iay examination will be ex- 
amined on the first of September following. 



318 U. S. MILITARY ACADEMY. 

13. Other Requirements. — The candidates who success- 
fully pass tlie mental examination will be notified to pre- 
sent themselves for their physical examination; and this 
having been successfully passed, they receive their ap- 
pointments as naval cadets, and become students at the 
academy. Each cadet will be required to sign articles by 
which he binds himself to serve in the United States Navy 
eight years, including his time of probation at the naval 
academy, unless sooner discharged. The pay of a naval 
cadet is S-iOO a year, commencing at the date of his admis- 
sion. Each cadet must, on admission, deposit with the pay- 
officer about S'200, to be expended for clothes and text- 
books. One month after admission each naval cadet is 
credited with the amount of his actual traveling expenses 
from his home to the naval academy. 



United States Military Academy. 

The conception of a military academy in this country 
date-s back to 1776, when the lack of competent officers for 
the army led to the appointment of a connnittee by the 
Continental Congress to "prepare and bring in a plan of a 
military academy." Washington strongly urged the mat- 
ter, and in 1802 the Military Academy was founded at West 
Point. For years the results were very unsatisfactory. 
There was a great lack of system and subordination; cadets 
were admitted without regard to age or qualification, but 
under able and careful superintendents it to-day meets the 
expectations of the most hopeful. 

The number of appointments, requirements for admis- 
sion, examinations and courses of study are similar to those 
of the naval academy (see page 43oi. Canditlates must be 
between seventeen and twenty-two years old. At the break- 
ing out of the Civil War, many of the cadets belonging to 
the southern states joined the Confederacy. This preju- 
diced some against the Academy for a time, but on the 
whole the general impression and testimony given is that 
all our wars since the founding of the .Xcademv would have 
lasted much longer and would have resulted differently but 
for the skilled men that could be drawn upon in these 
times of necessity. 



HOW LAND IS SURVEYED, 



319 




LAND SURVEYS. 



How Land is Surveyed. 



^. History. — Thomas Jefferson and Albert Gallatin are 
_apposed to be the authors of our system of United States 
land surveys. 

2. Townships. — The land is fust divided into squares 
by lines, six miles apart. These squares are called towH- 
ships,3.n(l a row of townships running north and south is 
called a range. Townships are given proper names, but for 
the purpose of location they are designated by numbers. 

3. Principal Meridians and Base Lines. — First the 
surveyors select some prominent object or point, and draw- 
ing a straight line north and south through this point make 
what is known as \\iQ priticipal meridian line. Then draw- 
ing a line at right angles across the principal meridian 



320 



HOW LAND IS SURVEYED. 



they establish what is called a base line. Marks one-half 
mile apart are left on each of these lines throughuut their 
entire length. 



7 


6 


5 


4 


3 













4 


5 






7 
6 
5 




-^ 







4 






6 






a 








s 






7 


54 


1 


1 


a 1 3 


1 













1 




1 i 
1 *' 














3 








4 
5 








1 










G 






1 


1 *■ 












1 







D 



li 



Illusitraticn : A. B. = Principal Meridian. C. D.=Base 
Line. The numbers on the line A. B. mark the tOTiniship 
lines, and the numbers on the line C. D. mark the range 
lines. 

Range lines are run north and south six miles apart on 
both sides of the principal meridian and numbered as 
shown in diagram above. Township lines are run six miles 
apart, parallel to the base line and numbered as showTi 
above. 

Example: E. is in range 5, west, and in township 4, 
north, or W miles west from the principal meridian and 24 
miles north of the base line (each square represents a town- 
ship six miles each way). F. is in range 4, east, and is in 
township 4, south, or 24 miles east of the principal merid* 
ian and 18 miles south of the base line. 



I 



HOW TO LOCATE LAND. 



321 



How to Locate Land and Read and 
Write Descriptions. 

A township is 36 sections, each a mile square. A sectioB 
is 640 acres. A quarter section, half a mile square, is 160 
acres. An eighth section, half a mile long, north and south, 
and a quarter of a milewide,is80acres. A sixteenth section, 
a quarter of a mile square, is 40 acres. 









NOHTW 








''^!e'h 


■fS-i- 


T^t:. 


■•;-3 V- 


■■\y'2\- 


■f-il- 




"fijT. 


■ Q ' 


.:.. ft .*... 


■■{■iO'.y- 


..111.;.. 


...; lia-i- 




.....g.... 


■yv r 






17; 


m 


■;i5;- 


..ii^;.. 


■•|-13^- 


K. 


His:- 


^^ 










4l9f- 


■2bv 


..;.21;- 


...22 • 


..|23^ 


.J.2^;- 




• iabf- 


J.^gL. 


..|2^8f- 


•v^T;- 


•426; 


-'2^5i- 


















•f^ij- 

-i — i — : — 1 


•■i3'2t- 




...|3^;.. 


•!35;- 


'-■SiQ'r 



SQUTS 

A TOWNSHIP WITH SECTION LINES. 



1. United States survey ends with the location of the 
section lines. Marks are, however, made by the surveyors 
at the corners of the section and also half-mile marks 
between the corners. By these marks any piece of land 
may be accurately located. 

2. Land is generally bought and sold in lots of 40 acres 
or 80 acres or 120 acres or 160 acres, etc 



322 



UNITED STATES HOMESTEAD LAWS, 
e to Acres. 



A 


B 






C 











z 


X 


Y 











Example : Lots A, B, C and D, taken together, are on© 
fourth of the entire section, and described as the X. W. % 
of Sec. 25. 

A is described as N. \V. X of N. W. ]i of Sec. 25. 

C D is described as S. ;< of X. W. ]i of Sec. 25. 

X Y is described as N. y. of S. E. X of Sec. 25. 

Z is described as N. E. ,V of S. W. % of Sec. 25. 

N. B. Where the government surveys cannot be used 
a full description has to be written out by the county sur« 
veyor. 



The United States Homestead Laws. 

The laws give to every citizen, and to those who have 
declared their intention to become citizens, the right to a 
homestead on surveyed lands to the extent of one-quarter 
secti in, or ICO acres; or a half-qu"rter section, or 80 acres; 
the former in cases in the class i.. .o«er jiriced lands, held 
by law at $1.25 per acre, the latter of high priced lands, 
held at $!2.50 per acre, when disposed of to cash buyers. 
The pre-emption privilege is restricted to heads of families, 
widows, or single persons over the age of twenty-one. 

Every soldier and officer in the army, and every seaman, 
marine and officer of the navy during the recent rebellion, 
may enter IGO acres from citlicr class, anil length of time 
served in tlie army or navy deducted from the time required 
to perfect title. 



LANDS OWNED BY FOREIGNERS. 




A MAP SHOWING THE LOCATION OF LAND 
OWNED BY FOREIGNERS. 



Securities, Property and Lands Owned 
by Foreigners. 

1. A Surprising Fact. — It is a surprising fact that the 
chief bureau of statistics shows that foreign investors and 
syndicates own controlling interests in many of our large 
buildings in the cities, and controlling interest in many of 
our prominent enterprises. They o.wn a large number of 
our factories, breweries, and almost the majority of our in- 
surance companies. 

2. Foreign Land Owners of American Soil.— X'i-^count 
Scully, of England, owns ;>,000,000 acres of land in Illinois, 
Iowa and Nebraska; a London syndicate owns 3,000,000 
acres of land in Texas; Sir Edward Reid owns 2,000,000 
acres of land in Florida; another English syndicate owns 
1,800,000 acres in Mississippi. The Anglo-American syn- 
dicate owns 750,000 acres in Missouri, Kansas and some of 
the other western states; Piryan H. Evans owns 700,000 
acres in Mississippi; the Duke of Southcland, 12.5,000 in the 
southwestern states; the British Company, 320,000 acres in 
Kansas; the Missouri Land Company, 300,000 acres in 
Missouri; Lord Houghton owns 60,000 acres in Florida; the 



324 



LAND OWNED BV FOREIGNERS. 




JERRY SIMPSON, Ex-Member Congress from Kansas. 

English Land Company, 50,000 acres in California, and 
50,000 acres in Arkansas; Alexander Grant, of London, 
owns 35,000 acres in Kansas; a foreign syndicate, of which 
the l{!arl of \'emlan and the Earl of Lankeville are at the 
head, owns 110,000 acres in Wisconsin; M, Effenhauser, of 
Halifax, Nova Scotia, owns 600,000 acres of land in West 
Virginia; a Scotch syndicate owns 50,000 acres in Florida. 

3. Grand Total. -It is claimed that fully 'iO,000,<X)0 
acres of American soil are owned by land owners of Eng- 
land and Scotland alone. This does not include other for- 
eign syndicates who own over 7,i)00,OO() acres of land in 
other portions of the country. 

4. The Duties of the American Congress. — It is evi- 
dent that to allow forcigneis to own such \ast areas of 
land in America is not good for the country. The revenue 
coming from such land only enrich foreigners who have no 
interest in our institutions, only to reap the profits from the 
investments. They do nothing to add to the development 
and prosperity of the country; they are not interested in 
perpetuating our free institutions. The investments com- 
ing from these vast areas of land should be ke[)t in the 
country to develop it and build up its commercial prosper- 
ity. 

Congress should pass a law compelling every foreigner 
who owns land in America to reside within its bound- 
aries. No non-resident foreigner should be permitted to 
own our valuable soil. 



326 RIGHT PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 

The Right Principles of Civil Service 

Reform. 

1. An /ict of Congress. — The ninth section of an act of 
Congress approved March 3, 1871, and entitled "An Act 
making appropriations for sundry civil expenses of the 
government for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen 
hundred and seventy-two, and for other purposes," provides, 
"That the President of the United Statesbeand he is hereby 
authorized to prescribe such rules and regulations for the 
admission of persons into the Civil Service of the United 
States as will best promote the efficiency thereof, and as- 
certain the fitness of each candidate in respect to age, 
health, character, knowledge, and ability for the branch of 
service into which he seeks to enter; and for this purpose 
the President is authorized to employ suitable persons to 
conduct said inquiries, to prescribe their duties and to es- 
tablish regulations for the conduct of persons who may re 
ceive appointments in the civil service. ' 

2. Three Parts. — The public service of the United 
States is divided into three branches— the Civil, Military 
and Naval. The Civil Service may be defined as that which 
is neither Military nor Naval, and comprises all the offices 
by which the civil ailministration is carried on. 

3. The Appointing Power.— The Constitution author- 
izes each House of Congress to choose its own officers. It 
empowers the President to nominate and, by and with 
the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint certain 
officers who are mentioned by name, and all other officers 
whose appointments are not otherwise provided for in the 
Constitution, and which shall be established by law. It 
authorizes Congress to vest, by law, the appointment of 
such inferior officers as it may think proper in the President 
alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 
The courts of law appoint their own officers. The President 
alone appoints verv few, and they are mainly of an honorary 
character. Those who are appointed by the President, by 
and with the advice and consent of the Senate, are in num- 
ber about 3,000. The other inferior officers, about 60,000 in 
number, are appointed by the heads of departments, some- 
times directly, sometimes upon the nomination of another 
officer, . . 

4. Early Appointments. — During the early adrninistra- 
tions appointments were made from considerations of 
character and fitness, and removals took place for cause. 
This Dractice as it was the wisest and most reasonable, was 



RIGHT PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 327 

also to be expected, because Washington having been 
unanimously elected to the Presidency, party divisions, as 
we know them, were developed only toward the close of 
his administration. He requireci or applicants proofs of 
ability, integrity and fitness. "Beyond this," he said, 
"nothing with me is necessary or will be of any avail to 
them in my decision," John Adams made few removals 
and those for cause. Jefferson said that the pressure to 
remove was like a torrent. But he resisted it and declared 
in his famous phrase, that " the only questions concerning a 
candidate shall be, Is he honest? Is he capable? Is he faith- 
ful to the Constitution ?" Madison, Monroe and John Quincy 
Adams followed him so faithfully that the Joint Congression- 
al Committee upon Retrenchment reported in 1868 that, 
having consulted all accessible means of information they 
had not learned of a single removal of a subordinate officer 
except for cause from the beginning of Washington's 
administration to the close of that of John Quincy Adams. 

5. The Motto. — Senator Marcy, of New York, first used 
the famous phrase in reference to the offices of the Civil 
Service: "To the victor belong the spoils of the enemy." 
From that time it has been practically the motto of the 
administration of every party. As its evil results have beeri 
observed, various efforts have been made to obviate them. 
But thepracticehas become atradition which wasnotreadily 
disturbed. No measures for a general reform were taken 
until the close of the Forty-first Congress when, upon the 
positive recommendation of the President, the section of the 
act given on previous page was passed. 

6. Whole Machinery of the Government is Pulled to 
Pieces Every Four Years. — Political caucuses, primary 
meetings and conventions are controlled by the promise and 
the expectation of patronage. Political candidates for the 
lowest or the highest positions are directly or indirectly 
pledged. The pledge is the price of the nomination,and when 
the election is determined pledges must be redeemed. The 
business of the nation, the legislation of Congress, the duties 
of the departments, are all subordinated to the distribution 
of what is well called "the spoils." No one escapes. Presi- 
dent, secretaries, senators, representatives are pertina- 
ciously dogged and besought on the one hand to appoint, 
on the other to retain, subordinates. The great officers of 
the government are constrained to become mere office- 
brokers. Meantime, they may have their own hopes, ambi- 
tions and designs. They may strive to make their patron- 
age secure their private aims. The spectacle is as familiat 
as it is painful and humiliating. 




THE SUCCESSFUL CANDIDATE. 

To the Victor Belong the Spoils. 

328 



RIGHT PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 329 

7. The Evil Results. — Tbe evil results of the practice 
may be seen, first, in its perversion of the nature of the 
election itself. In a free country an election is intended to 
be, and of right should be, the choice of differing policies of 
administration by the people at the polls. It is properly 
the judgment of the popular intelligence upon the case 
which has been submitted to it during the canvass by the 
ablest and most eloquent advocates. But the evil system 
under which the country suffers tends to change the election 
from a choice of policies into a contest for personal advan- 
tage. It is becoming a desperate conflict to obtain all the 
offices, with all their lawful salaries and all their unlawful 
chances. The consequences are unavoidable. The moral 
tone of the country is debased. The national character 
deteriorates. No country or government can safely tolerate 
such a surely increasing demoralization. 

8. Honorable Men. — There are honorable rnen who 
enter the service with the sincerest purpose of doing their 
duty, but the evil condition of the system forces them often 
to profess what they do not believe, and in a manner which 
is repugnant to them. They do not have that pride in the 
Civil Service of the country which distinguishes the Military 
and Naval Services. For how can a position so often pro- 
cured without proved qualification, and so often lost without 
fault, appeal to the desire or the ambition of worthy men? 
There are modest and honest and able citizens enough who 
would gladly serve the country for a moderate and perma- 
nent salary, and who are the very servants the country 
needs; but they decline to enter upon competition, not of 
excellence, but of influence; a competition in which actual 
qualification does not determine the result. The conditions 
of the service are such that they cannot avoid the feeling 
that their minds are often regarded as mortgaged, their 
opinions as hired. 

9. Criticism Upou the System. — Nor is this surprising 
when it is remembered that a bill was introduced into Con- 
gress not iOiig ago forbidding the minor officers in the Civil 
Service the usual political liberty of all American citizens 
to serve as delegates in political conventions or as members 
of political committees. It is the sharpest criticism upon 
the system that it is held to unfit a citizen for the honest 
discharge of his political duties. And there is no one who 
is familiar with its practical operation who does not feel that 
there was reason in the proposition. 

10. The Mischief.— But the mischief does not end here. 
When public offices are regarded only as rewards for 
political service, they will be constantly multiplied to sup- 



330 RIGHT PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 

ply more places. There will be incessant temporary enn. 
ploynients, as they are called, and consequent deficiency 
bills and supplementary appropriation bills. Meanwhile, 
the influence which has obtainea the office, not for tiie pub- 
lic service, but as a private reward, will be slow to see 
inefficiency or actual dishonesty in the conduct of the 
incumbent. The tendency will be to disbelieve and to 
excuse and to postpone inquiry; so that under this system 
not only are useless offices created, but there is the strong- 
est temptation to conceal corruption, and abuses and ex- 
travagances, resulting from a multiplication of such offices, 
are constantly increasing. 

11. A Good and a Bad System of the Civil Service. — It 
is not possible to compute in figures the exact economical 
difference between a good and a bad svstem of the Civil 
Service. It is necessarily a matter of inference and of com- 
parison between the probable operation of a careless and a 
careful method. But it is estimated, by those who have 
made a careful study of all the facts, that one-fourth of the 
revenues of the United States is annually lost in the collec- 
tion, and for a large part of that loss a system of the service 
which is fatally unsound may reasonably be held responsi- 
ble. 

12. Long and Annoying Resistance. — Even if the ap- 
pointing power declare that it prefers a certain person, 
peculiarly fitted for the place, the appointment is, never- 
theless, demanded or contested as of right by the friends of 
other persons. If the appointing power persists, and the 
place IS filled as it prefers, it is only after a long and an- 
noying resistance to pressure. But shoukl it be the head of a 
department who has some measure before Congress for which 
he wishes every vote that he can procure, there is a power- 
ful temptation to yield the appointment in order to se( ure 
the vote. Thus the evil system increases official teni;ita- 
tion and makes honesty difficult; and it is not surprising that 
a bill was recently introduced into Congress making it a 
penal offense for members of Congress to importune the 
appointing power for places. 

13. Civil Service by Promotion. — Admission to the 
higher grades of employment in ttie Civil Service by pro- 
motion is cardinal condition of a sound system. When it is 
understood that good character and superior fitness procure 
entrance to office, and that the tenure is dependent upon 
condition, and that conduct and ability determine promo- 
tion, the desire of entering a service which thus offers a 
career to honorable ambition will naturally be felt by many 
who command no political influence, and who do not care 



RIGHT PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 331 

to enter now. At present all the advantages of promotion 
in stimulating zeal and fidelity are lost, because there is 
practically no system of promotion. The most industrious 
and competent officers constantly see others, inexperienced 
and often incompetent, suddenly brought into the service 
from the outside and placed above them. It is dishearten- 
ing to the officer and dangerous to the service, because how- 
ever bad the present practice may be, and however illogical 
under that practice to expect merit to be regarded, yet the 
simple fact that there is, and can be but one true principle 
of a good service, will constantly assert itself in the mind 
of the incumbent. The prospect of promotion by merit, 
upon the other hand, will quietly animate every officer to 
such discharge of his duty that there will be constant com- 
petition of excellence. 

14. Promotion of Merit. ^Carrying the same principle 
further, and seeking to obtain all the advantage which pro- 
motion by merit offers, it seems to us desirable to open 
every vacancy in the higher grades of offices to the free com- 
petition of applicants from all the lower grades of the same 
offices. Promotion, indeed, is often thought to be limited 
to an advance from one step to the next higher. But if 
promotion by mere seniority be abandoned, if it be under- 
stood that any one who is properly qualified to enter at the 
lowest point may, whenever the vacancy occurs, compete 
for the highest, not only is the best fitness secured for the 
highest point, but better men are attracted to enter at the 
lowest. 

15. The Services of any Honest and Able Man. — The 
country is entitled to the services of any honest and able 
man who may wish to serve it. We propose that every person 
who, after due public notice, shall present himself at the time 
and place designated for the purpose, shall be examined. 
But he must have satisfactorily proved that he is of 
good character, of suitable age, and in sound health. 
He must also be a citizen of the United States, and be 
able satisfactorily to speak, read and write the English 
language. 

16. Competitive Examinations.— The Civil Service re- 
form must sooner or later apply the principles of fitness and 
meritand qualifications for office. The Civil Service as faras 
it applies to written recommendations and promotions ac- 
cording to qualification has worked wonderful results in this 
system and other departments of the government, and if the 
system be extended so as to apply to the candidates for office 
to be filled by appointment, the government service will be 
not only better, but will be more economically conducted 



332 CIVIL SERVICE RULES. 

17. The Purpose of Examination. — The purpose of the 

examination is to ascertain the fitness of the applicaiit for 
the position that he seeks. But a mere pass or standard 
examination, that is, an examination which requires of the 
applicant only the ability to pass an easy line and to be- 
come one of many from who the appointment is to be made, 
is an examination which constantly tends, under the pres- 
sure of patronage, to become a mere form, such as many 
that are now held in custom-houses and elsewhere. If, how- 
ever, the applicant knows that he must not only pass the 
line, but pass it so as to be ranked among the two or three 
highest of his associates, proficiency alone will determine 
the result. The most powerful patronage cannot make its 
candidate really quicker or more intelligent than competi- 
tors who may present themselves with no patronage what- 
ever. Its only hope, then, is to corrupt the examiners to 
permit collusion, and the possibility of collusion is to be 
obviated by the details of methods of examination and cer- 
tificate. The honest competitive examination is the only 
fundamental security against the power of mere patronage, 
because, without regard to irrelevant influences, it selects 
not those who are most strongly urged but those who are 
most fully qualified. 



United States Civil Service Rules. 

The purpose of the Civil Service Act, as declared in its 
title, is "to regulate and improve the Civil Service of the 
United States." It provides for the appointment of three 
Commissioners, a Chief Examiner, a Secretary, and other 
employes and makes it the duty of the Commission to aid 
the President as he may request in preparing suitable rules 
for carrying the act into effect; to make regulations for and 
control the examinations provided for, and supervise and 
control the records of the same; and to make investigations 
and report upon all matters touching the enforcement and 
efifect of the rules and regulations. The address of the 
Commission is Washington, D. C. The president of the 
Commission is John R. Procter; the secretary is JohnT. Doyle. 

The service classified under the act, and to which it and 
the rules apply, embraces the Executive Departments at 
Washington, the Department of Labor, the Fish Commis- 
sion, and the Civil Service Commission, the observers in the 
Weather Service, the customs districts in each of which 
there are fifty or more employes, eleven in number; all free- 
delivery postoffices, now 610 in number; the Railway Mail 



CIVIL SERVICE RULES. 



333 



Service, and the Indian School Service, including alto- 
gether about 43,000 places, or about one-fourth in point of 
numbers and oue-half in importance and in salaries of the 
entire Civil Service. 

The Classified Departmental Service embraces all places 
in the Departments at Washington, excepting messengers, 
laborers, workmen and watchmen (not including any person 
designated as a skilled laborer or workman), and no person 
SO employed can, without examination under the rules, be 




Not Recognized. 



assigned to clerical duty, and also excepting those ap- 
pointed by the President, by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate. The Classitied Customs Service at the 
eleven ports embraces the places giving $900 a year, and all 
those giving a larger salary where the appointee is rot sub- 
ject to confirmation by the Senate. The Classified Postal 
Service embraces all places above the grade of a laborer 
except the postmaster. The Classified Railway Mail Serv- 
ice embraces all employes of the Railway Mail Service, 



334 CIVIL SERVICE RULL^ 

The Classified Indian Service embraces all physicians, 
school superintendents and assistant superintendents, 
school teachers and matrons in the Indian Service. Certain 
of the places within the Classified Service are excepted 
from examination by the Civil Service rules, and may be 
filled in the discretion of the appointing officers without ex- 
amination; a fewother places may be so filled, but the great 
mass of the places are filled by competitive examination. 

For places in the Classified Service where technical 
qualifications are needed special examinations are held. In 
the Departmental Service they are held for the State De- 
partment, the Pension, Patent and Signal offices. Geological 
and Coast Surveys and other offices. 

APPLICATIONS. 

Applicants for examination must be citizens of the United 
States of the proper age. No person habitually using intox- 
icating liquors can be appointed. No discrimination is 
made on account of sex, color or political or religious opin- 
ions. The limitations of age are: For the Departmental 
Service, not under twenty years; in the Customs Service, 
not under twenty-one years, except clerks or messengers, 
who must not be under twenty years; in the Postal Service, 
not under eighteen years, except carriers, who must not be 
under twenty-one or over forty, and in the Railway Mail 
Service not under eighteen or over thirty-five years. The 
age limitations do not apply to any person honorably dis- 
charged from the Military or Naval Service of the United 
States by reason of disability resulting from wounds or sick- 
ness incurred in the line of duty. Such persons are pre- 
ferred in appointments under 4^1,7.54, R. S., and certified to 
appointing officers before all others of higher grade. 

Every one seeking to be examined must first file an ap- 
plication blank. The blank for the Departmental, Railway 
Mail, or Indian .School Service should be recjuested directly 
of the Civil. Service Commission, at Washington. The blank 
for the Customs or Postal Service must be requested in 
writing by the persons desiring examination of the Customs 
or Postal Roard of Examiners at the office where service is 
sought. These papers should be returned to the officers 
from whom they emanated. 

EXAMINATIONS. 

The applicants to enter the services designated are ex- 
■mincd as to their relative capacity and fitne-^s. The ordi- 
nary clerical examinations are used only in the Customs and 



CIVIL SERVICE RULES. 335 

Departmental Services for clerkships of $1,000 and upward 
requiring no peculiar information or skill. They are lim- 
ited to the following subjects: First, orthography, penman- 
sh p and copying; second, arithmetic — fundamental rules, 
fractions, and percentage; third, interest and discount, ele- 
ments of bookkeeping and accounts; fourth, elements of 
the English language, letter-writing, and the proper con- 
struction of sentences. For places in which a lower degree 
of education sufifices, as for employes in postoffices, and 
those below the grade of clerks in custom houses and in the 
Departments at Washington, the Commission limits the ex 
aminationto less than these four subjects, omitting the third 
and parts of the fourth subject. No one is certified for ap- 
pointment whose standing in the examination is less than 
70 percentum of complete proficiency, except that appli- 
cants claiming military or naval preference under §1,754 R. 
S., need obtain but 65. 

The law also prescribes competitive examinations to test 
the fitness of persons in the service for promotion therein. 
The Commission gives a certificate to the person examined. 
Stating whether he passed or failed to pass. 

APPOINTMENTS. 

When there is a vacancy to be filled, the appointing offi- 
cer applies to the Commission or proper examining board, 
and it reports to him the names of the three persons of the 
sex called for graded highest on the proper register of those 
in his branch of the service and remaining eligible, and 
from the three a selection must be made. In the Depart- 
mental Service appointments are apportioned among the 
states on the basis of population. 

Every appointment is made for a probationary period of 
six months, at the end of which time, if the conduct and 
capacity of the person appointed have been found satisfac- 
tory, the appointment is made absolute. There is a con- 
stant demand for men stenographers and typewriters. The 
number of women applying for clerical places is greatly in 
excess of the needs of the service. 

The following are excepted from examination for ap- 
pointment: Confidential clerks of heads of departments or 
offices, cashiers of collectors and postmasters, superintend- 
ents of money-order divisions in postoffices, custodians of 
money for whose fidelity another officer is under bond, dis- 
bursing officers who give bonds, persons in the secert serv- 
ice, deputy collectors and superintendents and chiefs of 
divisions of bureaus, and a few others. 



336 



GOVERNMENT OF LARGE CITIES. 




REV. DR. PARKHURST. 

The Serious Problems of Government 
in Large Cities. 

I. The Dangers That Threaten American Liberty. — 

■ he danger that threatens American liberty comes largely 
.rom the foreign pojiulation in our large cities. The cities 
are increasing rapidly and most of the present unrest and 
discontent of the people comes from our cities. The most 
serious problem that the American people must soon be 
called upon to solve will be the settlement or adjustment of 



PROBLEMS OF GOVERNMENT IN LARGE CITIES. 337 

the discontent in our large cities. One of the greatest safe- 
guards is to encourage every laborer to secure a home of 
his own. As soon as he secures some property his interest 
in the government and law will be materially changed. The 
dangers of the American cities are the foreign population 
which are rapidly controlling every form of municipal gov- 
ernment. 

2. The Growth of American Cities Twice as Rapid as 
That of the Whole Population. — It is not to be denied that 
many who can not be suspected of want of zeal for the suc- 
cess of Democracy \n the United States are thrown into 
grave doubts as to the future of our system by its imperfect 
success m our large cities. The lesson of history in the past 
has been that great cities are among the chief dangers of 
Democracy. I am no alarmist. My business is not agita- 
tion. But I confess that I consider this lesson of history as 
to democracies, when put side by side with the facts that 
we are and are to be a nation of great cities, something that 
should bring thoughtful men to a pause. We hear daily 
enough, and more than enough, of the corruptions of our 
great cities. But it is not so commonly noticed that popula- 
tion increases in our cities with vastly greater rapidity than 
elsewhere. 

3. Predominate in Influence. — If it were perfectly cer- 
tain that half of the civilized world was henceforth to live in 
cities and large towns, it would not be uncertain which half 
of the world would predominate in influence over the other 
half, the part in the towns or the part out of the towns. It 
would not be uncertain either, that the management of large 
towns would become a problem of the first importance in 
civilization. Nor would it be uncertain that the manage- 
ment of the towns on the Democratic principle would have 
extraordinary difficulties. Now, I believe it capable of 
being made very probable that the tendency of the applica- 
tion of the discoveries of the railway and the telegraph to 
create centers and facilitate intercommunication, must 
cause a vastly increased percentage of the civilized world to 
live henceforth in cities and large towns. 

4. Much as Cities do for Virtue They do More for 
Vice. — It is evident that the problem of the perishing und 
dangerous classes must grow in importance with every 
increase of the growth and numbers of great cities. Such 
has been the entire experience of modern as of ancient 
civilization. I do not forget for an instant that the massing 
of men gives greater opportunities to virtue. Heaven for- 
bid that we should fail to remember, in view of the perilous 
future, any part of the influence of the tendency of men in 
cities to stimulate the press, the pulpit, and the school. 



338 PROBLEMS OF GOVERNMEN'l IN LARGE CITIES. 

5. Stern Truth of History. — But it is the notorious, stem 
truth of history that much as cities do for virtue, they do 
vastly more for vice. You doubt this? Would that the proof 
were not so near home! One-half the criminals of Massa- 
chusetts, for example, are found in Boston. Mr. Phillips 
has shown that for ten years the returns proved that 42 
per cent, of the population of the county was arrested 
for crime, while in other counties the number was only 1, 
2, or 3 per cent. This is the result of massing up here prop- 
erty and population. It is a part of the operation of the 
inevitable laws of human nature in the present state of 
human culture, and in the present arrangements of philan- 
thropic endeavor. Boston has one-half the criminals of 
Massachusetts, and yet only one-sixth of the population. 

6. Bad Politics. — There are not two cities on the conti- 
nent of over 200,000 inhabitants in which the local elections 
are not in the control of the perishing and dangerous classes. 
Consider, secondly, the power of a corrupt city population 
to subsidize the city press and thus poison the fountains of 
political influence for the country at large. Let fall here 
the light of the Gorgon's head. 

7. New York City.— New York City is not an American 
city. For over 60,000 voters there of native birth there are 
70,000 of foreign. No American city could be managed as 
New York is. What is true of New York City is true of our 
other large cities in the United States, they are largely 
being ruled by the foreigners, people who have little regard 
for the social, political or religious institutions of the coun- 
try. They hold the balance of power and largely rule every 
American city. In many of the riots of 1894 there were 
hardly enough American born citizens to act as interpreters 
for the rioters. 

8. Power of the Whiskey Ring to Control City Elec- 
tions. — Nor, in the fourth place, need I pause uj)on the 
proof that the chief perils from the perishing and dangerous 
classes in great cities arise from intemperance and its asso- 
ciated vices. When the subject of a municipal police was 
first brought before the Massachusetts Legislature this prop- 
osition was discussed in a scholarly way, and Mr. Phillips 
repeatedly presented this single point in a popular way 
He was hissed for going so far as to assert that for twent> 
years me mayor and aldermen ot Boston have been but a 
committee of the places for gambling and of the liciuoi 
shops of the peninsula. The year 1900 will not hiss W eo» 
dell Phillips. 



strikes. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Issues of the Day. 

A COMPLETE HISTORY OF STRIKES. 

1. American History. — It is the very generally ac- 
cepted opinion that the disturbance in New York City, in 
1803, popularly known as the "sailors' strike," was the 
earliest example of the strike known in this country. This 
opinion may be authoritatively controverted by facts, which 
afford proof of a series of strikes among the boot and shoe 
makers of Philadelphia, beginning in 1796, and make it 
reasonably certain that a strike occurred among the bakers 
of New York City as early as 1741. 

2. Strikes Grew. — From these beginnings the practice 
of striking by employes who desired some concession regard- 
ing their wages, or were otherwise dissatisfied with the con- 
ditions under which they worked, grew, until in 1835 strikes 
had become so numerous as to call forth remonstrant com- 
ments from the public press, the New YoxV Daily Adver- 
tiser, on June 6, observing that "strikes are all the fashion," 
and that "it is an excellent time for the journeymen to come 
from the country to the city." From this period up to the 
present time strikes have been common, their frequency 
depending upon the industrial conditions which prevailed. 

3. Strikes in England. — History shows that strikes took 
place shortly after the plague of 1349. The crops then rotted 
on the ground for lack of reapers ; whole flocks and herds 
perished for want of care-takers, houses were left unfinished 
by the builders, even the workmen employed at the King's 
palace deserted their business, and unless for wages which 
were considered "outrageous," labor was not to be had in 
country or town. These strikes in the fourteenth century 
were encountered with measures which illustrate the funda- 
mental differences between mediaeval and modern political 
economy. ^^ 




340 



A COMPLETE HIbTORY OF STRIKES. 341 

4. Statute of Labor. — A statute of labor was passed, 
ordaining that every man and woman, free or bond, within 
the age of threescore years, and not having landed property 
or other means of livelihood, should work for any employer 
requiring their labor at the old rate of wages. This statute 
was followed by a series of enactments, royal mandates, and 
municipal regulations rigorously suppressing combinations 
of workmen, and inflicting fines, imprisonment, and the pun- 
ishment of the stocks on all artificers, laborers, and servants 
refusing to serve for the ancient wages, or even leaving the 
village or town wherein they had hitherto dwelt. 

5. Conflicting Facts. — In place of new restraints on the 
movements and combination of workmen, old restrictions 
have been repealed, trades-unions have been legalized, and 
the classes most opposed to strikes have contented them- 
selves with denouncing them as at once mischievous and 
ineffectual. On the last point the actual results have been 
conflicting. Many strikes have been successful in raising 
wages or reducing the hours of work, but on the other hand 
many have failed; in not a few cases it has been demon- 
strated that the state of trade, prices and profits left no 
margin for compliance with the demands of the workmen, 
and in some it is certain that employers were positive gain- 
ers by the suspension of business. These conflicting facts, 
and ihe public attention which strikes have engaged, have 
led to a whole literature on the subject, but the matter of it 
may be stated in a few wurds. 

6. Wise Propositions. — The proposition which may 
with best reason be affirmed is that the chief benefit to the 
working classes from past strikes is that they have contrib- 
uted to bring about measures which, besides other beneficial 
resulis, tend to prevent their occurrence in the future. Co- 
operation, industrial partnership of capitalists and work- 
men in various forms, boards of conciliation and arbitration, 
wiser rules and policy on the part of trades-unions, all owe 
something to the lessons learned from the strikes. No 
panacea is likely to be discovered in our age which will put 
an end altogether to disputes between labor and capital, 
but something has already been done to render their rela- 
tions more harmonious in many trades. 

7 Expense of Strikes. — In 1888 Mr. Adolph Strasser, 
the president of the Cigar Makers' International Union, 
testified before the United States Senate Committee on Labor 
and Capital that there had then been 362 strikes among the 
cigar makers recognized by his organization, of which 204 
were successful, 187 lost, 12 compromised, and 10 then in 
progress. The expenditures for the strikes amounted to 




342 



THE GREAT PULLMAN STRIKE. 343 

81,800,000 per annum, and the reductions prevented, to at 
least §500,000 per annum. Prof. Sartorius von Walters- 
hausen has made a study of the strikes in the United States 
from November 1, 1879, to October 1, 1880. Of the 121 for an 
increaseofwages,80 were won and 19 compromised; of the26 
agamst a reduction of wages, 21 were lost, 3 compromised, 
and 2 won. It is seen that strikes fail sometimes, and are 
sometimes won, but in both cases there is serious loss to 
somebody, and it would be a gain to everybody if the result 
of the strike, whatever it may be, could be reached without 
the strike. 



The Great Pullman Strike, 

The great Pullman and railroad strike of 1894 originated 
in a demand for an increase of wages by the mechanics em- 
ployed in the car manufacturing shop of the, Pullman Palace 
Car Company, at Pullman, 111. 

1. The Demand Was Refused, and 2,000 men laid down 
their tools on the 11th of May. Anattemptatarbitration was 
made a few days afterward, but it failed. Matters stood 
thus until June 15, when a committee of the strikers 
again sought the officers of the Pullman company with a 
proposition to arbitrate the dispute. They were met with 
the reply that there was nothing to arbitrate. 

2. The American Railway Union. — Before the strike 
began the labor organization known as the American Rail- 
way Union had assured the Pullman men that in the event of 
a strike theunion would support them by declaring a boycott 
against the Pullman cars; that is, that the members ot the 
union, employes of the railroads, would refuse to handle 
trains made up in whole or in part of Pullman cars. On 
June 26 the boycott was declared, and the general strike 
began. 

3. The Mob.— During the strike more than a thousand 
freight cars were set on fire and burned. Forty-five trains 
were stoned and fired upon by the mobs along the line of 
the railways. Buildmgs, station houses and railroad prop- 
erty were set on fire and burned. Innocent people travel- 
ing in the cars were injured by rocks and pieces of iron and 
bullets thrown through the windows of the cars. Locomo- 
tives were started on the tracks and sent wild along the 
roads, endangering the lives of hundreds of people. On 
July 5 a mob of ten thousand people gathered in one part of 




344 



THE GREAT PULLMAN STRIKE. 345 

the city and moved nearly three miles along through a dense 
part of the city, destroying and burning property, and the 
universal cry of that mob was: " To hell with the govern- 
ment ! " How near this comes to the carrying out of the 
declaration of the anarchists of Pennsyh^ania, who pro- 
claimed that they were "opposed to all private property, 
and, as the state is the bulwark of property, they were 
opposed to all government," I need not stop to inquire. 

4. The Next Three Weeks. — It would be impossible, 
in the spaceat our disposal, even if it were necessary, to tell 
in full the story of the next three weeks. The disturbance 
was greatest at Chicago, but it extended to many points in 
the West and to a few points in the East. 

5. Attempt to Prevent the Running of Trains. — The at- 
tempt to prevent the running of trains was accompanied by 
violence in which, it is said, many of the strikers took part; 
but by far the greatest part of the disorder was the work of 
the lawless element of the population, consisting largely of 
foreigners, which is always at hand to take advantage of 
occasions to plunder and destroy. 

6. State and United States Troops. — Both State and 
United States troops were called to arms at various points 
in the West to quell riots and to protect property. The 
employment of the national aTces for this purpose was 
warmly criticised in some quarters; but both Houses of 
Congress have approved or the President's action by a 
formal vote. 

7. The Strike Failed. — The reasons of the failure are 
evident. However strongly the wage earners of the country 
may have sympathized with the strikers in their grand ob- 
ject, namely, to obtain higher wages, a vast number of them 
did not think the strike expedient. When ordered to strike 
in support of it they did not obey, for in these days of busi- 
ness depression, they knew that their places could be 
quickly filled from the ranks of the unemployed. 

8. The Leader of the Movement. — Moreover, so far as 
can be judged by impartial observers, they seemed not to 
have confidence in the discretion of the leader of the move- 
ment. As for the strikers themselves, they could only 
succeed by preventing the running of trains; and when the 
military force was employed to aid the railroads in their 
operation, the last chance was removed. 

9. Great Inconvenience and Loss. — The strike is another 
example, cf which there have been so many, of the fact that 
the whole community may be put to great inconvenience 
and loss by disputes and conflicts over which the law has 
assumed no jurisdiction. If a policeman sees two dogs 




34G 



THE GREAT PULLMAN STRIKE. 



3i7 




EUGENE V. DEBS, 
The Leader of the Railway Strike in 1894. 

fighting, he can part them. If two men have a feud and 
attempt to shoot each other, both can be arrested. If aa 
employer tries to defraud or oppress one of his men, or if 
one workman tries to destroy his employer's property, thij 
law intervenes with a strong arm. But if wrong be done 00 



348 THE AXTHR.\CITE COAL STRIKE. 



a large scale, or by a large number of men, there is no law which 
authorizes the community to put a stop to it. Why is not a law 
of compulsory arbitration justified by the laws now in force, which 
shall prevent any one man who thinks he is wronged from taking 
the law into his own hands ? 

10. The Wage Earners of the country are strong enough in 
numbers to make almost any laws they see fit to make. Doubt- 
less the time will come when they will by peaceable means have 
a controlling voice in national legislation. But they can never 
win popular support until they not only refrain from violence 
themselves, as most of them now do, but take the lead in prevent- 
ing reckless, injudicious friends from employing force. 



The Anthracite Coal Strike. 

" Three ink blots on the eastern end of the map of Pennsyl- 
vania, between the Delaware and the Susquehanna Rivers, rep- 
resent all the anthracite coal of the United States. The coal 
beds cover an area of 488 square miles, and produced in the 
year 1900, 153,500,000 tons of coal — truly infinite riches in a lit- 
tle space. They are popularly known as the Wyoming, Lehigh, 
and Schuylkill regions. Their limits are so sharply defined that 
one can pass in five minutes through one of the notches in the 
surrounding mountain wall and find himself as much out of the 
coal regions as if he were a hundred miles away." 

"The coal measures are composed of alternate layers of rock 
and coal piled u])on each other like the layers of a jelly cake, in 
which the thick layers of cake represent the rock strata and the 
thin layers of jelly the coal beds. The thickness of the coal beds 
varies from one foot to thirty-two feet, and that of the rock from 
a few feet to two hundred feet." 

The coal miners in former years were Irish, Welsh, and Eng- 
lish, who had worked in the English mines, and had come to 
.America to improve their condition. But some years ago the 
" Coal Barons," as the operators are called, imported a cheaper 
labor from .\ustro-Hungary, and other parts of Europe. But 
many of the old coal miners and their descendants still live in 
the coal regions, and are a prosperous class, being superintend- 
ents, engineers, and the like. 

The miners struck in 1900, but settled in a short lime ; but 
the peace was not lasting. 

HISTORY OF THE GREAT STRIKE OF 1902. The occa- 
sion >i! the strike of 190.1 was the litnianii oi the L'nited Mine 
Workers of America for an (1) increase oj wages, {2) a decrease 



THE ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKE. 



349 




JOHN MITCHELL 
President United Mine Workers of America. 



in time, and the (3) payment for coal by the weight wherever 
practicable, and where then paid by car. Though the strike 
of 1900 had resulted in an advance of ten per cent, in the wages 
paid to all classes of mine workers, neither the miners nor the 
operators were satisfied. In the struggle between the coal miners 
and the operators, John Mitchell, President of the Mine Workers 
of America, acted for the miners, and the presidents of the coal- 
carrying railroads acted for the operators. The railway presi- 
dents were : W. H. Trucsdale, of the Delaware, Lackawanna and 
Western; F. D. Underwood, of the Erie Railroad ; Geo. F Baer, 
of the Philadelphia and Reading ; R. M. Olypliant, of the Dela- 
ware and Hudson Company; and E. B. Thomas, Executive 
Department of the Erie Railroad. 



350 THE ANTHR.\CITE COAL STRIKE. 

After much discussion and correspondence between Mitchell 
and the railway presidents the strike was called for May 12, 1902. 
This strike lasted from May 12 to October 23, 1902, live months 
and eleven days. About 147,000 men abandoned their work. 

LOSSES FROM THE STRIKE. There was a decrease of ship- 
ment of coal during the strike of over twenty-four and one-half 
millions long tons, or forty per cent, loss for the year. This in 
value to the operators was a loss of over $46,000,000. The loss 
in wages to the miners was $25,000,000. The loss in freight to 
the coal-carrying roads was $28,000,000. The relief fund 
amounted to nearly $2,000,000. All of the losses amount to 
$101,000,000 as the result of this strike, the greatest, perhaps, 
on record. 

DEMANDS OF THE MINE WORKERS. The demands in the 

statenuni of claims made by ilic union mine workers are as 
follows : 

First. — An increase of twenty per cent, upon the prices paid 
during the year 1901, to employees performing contract or piece 
work . 

Second. — A reduction of twenty per cent, in hours of labor 
without any reduction of earnings for all employees paid by the 
hour, day or week. 

Third. — The adoption of a system by which coal shall be 
weighed and paid for by weight wherever practicable ; the mini- 
mum rate per ton to be si.xty cents for a long ton of 2,240 pounds. 

Fourth. — The incorporation in an agreement between the 
United Mine Workers of America and the anthracite coal com- 
panies of the wages which shall be paid and the conditions of 
employment which shall obtain, together with satisfactor>- meth- 
ods for the adjustment of grievances which may arise from time 
to time, to the end that strikes and lockouts may be unnecessary. 
These demands were rejected by the railway presidents and 
operators. 

SHORTAGE OF ANTHRACITE COAL AND ITS EFFECTS. 

The price of coal rose rapidly; pooT people needed but little dur- 
ing the summer. But when October came the situation grew 
serious. Many industries used hard coal, and it was dilhcult to ad- 
just furnaces and the like to soft coal. But more than all, soft coal 
also rose rapidly in price, and the supply was none too abundant. 
Prospects looked gloomy, for our cold .American winter lay just 
ahead with a shortage of fuel supply. The prospect was a win- 
ter of suffering for the fxxjr, to say nothing of supplying the 
demand for coal in all forms of manufacturing. What was to be 
done? The railroad presidents would not meet Mitchell to arbi- 
trate. The interest of the general public in the coal strike 



THE ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKE. 351 

became vastly errater than the interest of either party to the 
strike. The striking miners were supplied with the necessaries 
of life by the union miners in the soft coal regions and by other 
organized bodies. So the miners' confidence was firm and ihey 
showed no sign of yielding. 

The operators on the other hand were leagued in a firm and 
closely organized monopoly, with absolute control of the anthra- 
cite coal trade. They seemed to be heedless to the cry of the 
needy public and to the demands of the miners. 

J. P. Morgan, of the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., had organ- 
ized the coal-carrying railroads and the anthracite coal trust into 
one mighty combination in order to control the anthracite coal 
trade of the United States. To Morgan, therefore, the people 
looked for aid in settling the strike and putting the miners to 
work. He alone, with his financial backers, had power over the 
obstinate railroad presidents. 

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S WORK. President Roosevelt in- 
vited Mr. Mitchell and the railroad presidents to meet him at the 
White House for consultation. The invitation was accepted, and 
a meeting was held October 3. The President appealed to both 
parties to the controversy to arbitrate their difficulties. Mr. Mit- 
chell, for the miners, promptly offered to abide by the decision of 
any arbitrators the President might select, and to immediately 
resume work pending the decision of the arbitrators. But to the 
surprise of the President and the indignation of the people at 
large, the group of railroad presidents each arose in order and 
read a typewritten lecture condemning strikes, refusing arbitra- 
tion at Roosevelt's hands, and demanding of the President pro- 
tection by federal troops, claiming that if their workmen could 
be protected they would be able to open their mines. 

Governor Stone of Pennsylvania called out all the State 
National Guard, ten thousand in number, and so distributed 
them as to protect all the anthracite mines. But no miners went 
to work. AH the available miners belonged to the miners' i' lion 
and all stood together in support of the strike. So the ' pera- 
tors' challenge failed. 

~ Force now began to be used against the coal trust. Steps 
were taken under the Sherman anti-trust law to prosecute the 
leaders in the coal trust. The politicians tried their hands at 
compelling the trust to arbitrate the coal strike. But all to no 
purpose. Finally Mr. Morgan told the presidents to mine coal 
or arbitrate. He went to Washington and consulted with Presi- 
dent Roosevelt. The outcome was that the presidents of the coal 
roads agreed to leave all issues concerned to a board of arbitra- 
tion to be appointed by President Roosevelt, but limited the 
choice of arbitrators to certain classes of men. At first Mr Mit- 
chell objected to such a one-sided proposition, but the President 



352 THE STOCK-YARDS STRIKE. 

finally persuaded him that a good board could be selected from 
these classes. 

The President chose the following board, which was satisfac- 
tory to both parties: Gen. John N. Wilson, no represent the 
army ; Judge George Gray, lo represent the judicial depart- 
ment ; Edward E. Clark, as a sociologist ; Thomas H. \\ aikins, 
a practical operator ; PIdward W. Parker, as a mining expert ; 
Bishop John L. Sj^alding was added by President Roosevelt, as 
most of the miners arc Roman Catholics, and Bishop Spalding 
had a special interest in the miners of his own district around 
Peoria, Illinois. 

THE STRIKE ENDS. .% soon as these arrangements were 
made the nun v.cni back to work, each parly agreeing lo abide 
by the decision of the Labor Commission, as it would take sev- 
eral months to reach a decision. But coal came to market 
very slowly. Many of the mines had been flooded and these 
must be put in a condition to work. During the winter of 1902-3 
coal of all kinds was scarce and high, as the market could not 
be supplied. It was not until the following winter of 1903-4 that 
normal conditions prevailed. 

THE DECISION OF THE COMMISSION. First— An increase 
of ten per cent, was awarded the miners of all grades. Second — 
Nine hours shall constitute a day's work. Third — The prtsent 
methods for payment of coal mined shall be adhered to, unless 
changed by mutual agreement. Fourth — The Commission ad- 
judges and awards : That any ditficully or disagreement arising 
under this award, either as to its interpretation or application, 
or in any way growing out of the relations of the employers and 
employed which cannot be settled or adjusted by consuUation 
between those interested, shall be referred to a permanent joint 
committee, to be called a Board of Conciliation, to consist of si.\ 
persons appointed as provided. 

THE STOCK-YARDS STRIKE. The employees of the packing 
houses uf Chicago struck on July 12, 1904, for the purpose of 
obtaining better wages and better hours. The men were idle 
from July 12 to September 8, nearly two months. 

The strike spread to Kansas City, Omaha, St. Paul and Sioux 
City, and was against great packing firms, usually known as the 
" Beef Trust" or the " Big Four." The independent companies 
were not involved in the trouble. The teamsters of the different 
companies refused to deliver meat to the people of Chicago or to 
be shipped abroad by cars. This aided the strikers very much 
but it caused much disturbance and some violence. The labor 
unions lost the strike because the men were not financially able 
to hold out, and the packers were able to supply themselves with 
"strike breakers." Some 50,000 men were involved and the total 
lo6S lo all interested was more than $10,000,000. 



STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS. 



353 



STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 







From January 1, 1881, lo December 


31, 1900. 






[Compiled from sixteenth annual report of t 


H- Commissioner of Labor.] 




STRIKES. 


LOCKO UTS. 


YEAR 




, 


Thrown out oj work. 




, 


Thrown out oi work 


K 




K 


-» 


■s 




to 


w 


■~. 


.- 




5 


3 -2 


t3 s; 


S I? 








■St 


i: S 




























^ 


^g 


E^S 


9 4. OS 


5^ 
5.92 


^ 




tiii 


ft. S 


<4 


1881 


471 


2,928 


129,521 


6 


9 


655 


83.2! 


16.79 


1882 


454 


2,105 


154,671 


92.15 


7.S5 


22 


42 


4,131 


93.80 


0.20 


1883..._. 


478 


2,759 


149,703 


87.66 


12.34 


28 


117 


20,512 


73.58 


26.42 


1884 


443 


2,367 


147,054 


88.78 


11.22 


42 


354 


18,121 


78.93 


21.07 


1885 


645 


2,2S4 


242,705 


87.77 


12.23 


50 


183 


15,424 


83.77 


16.23 


1880 


1,432 


10,033 


508,044 


S6.17 


13.83 


140 


1,509 


101,980 


03.02 


36.98 


1887 


1,436 


6,589 


379,676 


91.77 


8.23 


67 


1,281 


59,630 


94.70 


5.24 


1888 


906 


3,506 


147,704 


91.50 


8.50 


40 


180 


15,170 


79.53 


20.47 


1889 


1,075 


3,786 


249,559 


90.48 


9.52 


36 


132 


10,731 


73.91 


20.09 


1890 


1,833 


9,424 


351,944 


90.53 


9.47 


64 


324 


21,555 


72.49 


27.51 


1891 


1,717 


8 116 


298,939 


94.90 


5.10 


69 


646 


31,014 .59.13 


40.87 


1892 


1,298 


5,540 


206,071 


93.57 


6.43 


61 


716 


32,014 90.02 


3.98 


1893-.._. 


1,305 


4,555 


265,914 


93.06 


6.94 


70 


305 


21,842,84.95 


15.05 


1894 


1,349 


8,196 


660,425 


90.14 


9.86 


55 


875 


29,619 


84.94 


15.06 


1895..._. 


1,215 


6,973 


392,403 


84.56 


15.44 


40 


370 


14,785 


07.07 


32.93 


1896...... 


1,026 


5,462 


241,170 


87.08 


12.92 


40 


51 


7,668 


89.95 


10.05 


1S97..._. 


1,078 


8,492 


408,391 


88.89 


11.11 


32 


171 


7,703 


91.34 


8.06 


1898 


1,056 


3,809 


249,002 


85.78 


14.22 


42 


164 


14,217 


88.85 


11.15 


1899 


1,797 


11,317 


417,072 


89.42 


10.58 


41 


323 


14,817 


93.20 


0.80 


1900 


1,779 


9,248 


505,066 


94.80 


5.20 


60 


2,281 


02,053 


93.17 


6.83 


{Total 


22,793 


117,509 


6,105,694 


90.00 


10.00 


1,005 


9,933 


504,307 


80.24 


19.76 



Note. — Of the total number of strikes 14,457 were ordered by organizations 
and 8,320 were not so ordered. Of those ordered 52.80 per cent, succeeded, 13.60 
per cent, partly succeeded and 33.54 per cent, failed; of tho.se not ordered, 35.56 
per cent, succeeded, 9.05 per cent, partly succeeded and 55.39 per cent, failed. 

WAGES IN EUROP EAN AND AM ERICAN CITIES. 

Amounts paid per weel: in fifteen skilled occupations in recent years according 
to the statistical office of the British Board of Trade. 





In Lccdi) 


ig Cities. 


In Otka 


Cities 




OCCUPATION. 


N.Y. 


London 


Paris 


Berlin 


U.S. 


BrU'n 


Fr'nce 


Ger. 




S19.82 
28.80 
20.94 
25.78 
22.38 
15.00 
18.00 
15.00 
16.94 
18.00 
16.80 
17.38 
18.00 
19.00 
25.00 


•SI 0.50 

10.50 

8.75 

12.80 

10.34 

9.12 

8.04 

9.12 

9.12 

10.08 

10.25 

10.08 

10.70 

9.12 

9.60 


% 9.80 
8.20 
8.30 

""i'M 
9.50 


SO. 00 


S17.00 
20.35 
17.58 
21.00 
23.70 
IS.OO 
15.90 
12.68 
12.68 
16.50 
13.96 
12.62 
13.26 
13.50 
20.46 


S9.15 
9.37 
8.39 
9.39 
9.15 
8.61 
8.01 
8.37 
8.37 
8.85 
8.49 
8.61 
8.61 
7.71 
8.13 


.?5.05 
5.19 
5.19 
5.23 
5.19 
5.78 


$5.20 




6.01 


Painters 






Plasterers 


■5;b2' 

6.30 
5.38 
5.74 
5.02 
5.38 
5.54 
6.78 
6.36 
6.46 


6.61 






Blacksmiths 


5.11 




4 7'i 


Machinists (fitters) 
Machinists(tumers 

Patternmakers 

Cabinetmakers 

Coopers 

Upholsterers _... 


8.64 
5.68 

10.52 
0.81 
7.60 

10.36 
8.06 
9.84 


5.19 
5.78 
5.43 
5.78 
4.71 
6.18 
5.78 
7.02 


4.81 
4.81 
5.05 
5.41 
5.44 
6.71 
5.51 


Lithographers „. 


5.67 



354 THE CHICAGO tea:msters' strike. 

The Chicago Teamsters' Strike. 

This was a so-called "s\Tn pathetic" strike and one that was 
absolutely unwarranted and inexcusable. We will not attempt 
to give a detailed histon*- of this unfortunate struggle, but rather 
state a few facts that will serve as a key to the industrial conditions 
of the times. 

Early in the Spring of 1905, the Teamsters' Unions of Chicago 
directed a vigorous boycott strike against the mail order firm of 
Montgomery Ward & Co. .\ little later, C. P. Shea, President 
of the Teamsters' Union, called a general strike which seriously 
crippled shipping facilities and paralyzed business in general. 
When pressed for an explanation the union leaders stated that 
the strike was "sympathetic" in favor of the Garment Workers, 
who had slight misunderstandings v.-ith emplovers at that time. 

BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION. After several Months of fighting, 
murdering and inestimable financial loss, it was discovered that 
the real cause was high-handed "graft" and bribery, as shown 
by the following quotation from a current periodical: "Evidence 
of an indicating character has been received by State's .Attorney 
Healy, .Assistant State's Attorney Fake and the Grand Jur\' in 
investigation of the charge that a large eniploying firm purchased 
from President C. P. Shea and other Teamsters' L'nion leaders 
not only immunitv from a strike but trouble for a rival firm. 
The charge is that $30,000 was paid in installments of $10,000 
for the immunitv and $20,000 for "soaking' the rival." 

"KENTUCKY" HOME." This was a hotel conducted by women 
detectives who lured President Shea and other laljor leaders into 
their tra])s and drew from them secrets of the strike situation, 
as the following quotation proves: ".\nother interesting feature 
of the type-written statements of the inmates of the 'Kentucky 
Home' is that they disclose, it is said, a conspiracy within a 
conspiracy, or, in other words, that the strike leaders, after com- 
pleting the alleged conspiracy with Sears, Roebuck & Co., talked 
in the presence of the women that they would 'play both ends" 
and hold up Montgomery Ward & Co. for $30,000 in an agreement 
to settle the strike." 

GRAND JURY INVESTIGATION. State's .Attorney Healy said: 
"We have been investigating the initial features of the strike 
before the .April and May Grand Juries, but results were not 
obtained until the June Grand Jury convened. Every line of 
information secured by the .Afiril and May Grand Juries con- 
cerning this alleged conspiracy between a certain employing firm 
and the strike leaders has been followed by the present Grand 
Jury and I do not deny that the material points have been sulTi- 
cienily corroborated to warrant the continuance of the inquiry. 
Wc had important facts showing a conspiracy against Mont- 
gomery \\'ard & Co. from the beginnning of this investigation, 
and now that tangible results ha\e been obtained we are satisfi'Hl." 



A 







355 



Preventing Strikes. 

ARBITRATION LAW EFFECTIVE. 

Working of the System in Massachusetts During Eight 

years. — Employers and Employed Find 

Their interests Protected. 

1. No Complications. — Since the board of arbitration 
^nd conciliation wai established in Massachusetts, 18tt6- 
lb94, neither the militia nor the police have been called upon 
to interfere in labor troubles. Before that organization 
existed there were continual appeals for their existence in 
preserving the peace and protecting property. Formerly 
the constant disputes between employers and employed over 
wages, hours of labor, the employment of non-union work- 
men and other sources of friction cost the state treasury 
many thousands of dollars annually, often several hundreds 
of thousands, for Massachusetts is the fourth manufacturing 
state in the I'nion. 

2. Money Saved.— During the last eight years the ex- 
penditures on this account have been less than $9,000. Last 
year they amounted to ?.^.9S(), of which ^(l.WM) represented 
the salaries of three members of the board of arbitration, 
^L200 the salary of its secretary and the remainder con- 
tingent expenses, such as railroad fare, hotel bills, stationery 
and printmu'. 

3. Costs of Strikes. — It i:? impossible to ascertain and 
difficult to estimate the amount of money that M-as lost an- 
nually by the stoppage of work, owing to strikes and labof 



I 



PREVENTING STRIKES. 357 

disputes before this board was organized, but last year it 
settled controversies involving §1,652,246 in the wages of men 
and women and $8,687,625 in the product of their labor. In 
1892 the board cost the state ?10,430, and it settled disputes 
involvmg a product valued at §8,986,210 and wages amount- 
ing to $2,034,804. In 1891 it cost the state $8,108, and 
settled disputes involving $12,044,525 in products and $4,056,- 
195 in wages. All of which shows that as a financial invest- 
ment the Massachusetts plan of arbitration is a good thing. 

4. The Law. — The first section of the law authorizes 
the governor to appoint "three competent persons to serve 
as a state board of arbitration and conciliation in the manner 
hereinafter provided. One of them shall be an employer or 
selected from some association representing employers of 
labor, one of them shall be selected from some labor organ- 
ization and not an employer of labor, the third shall be ap- 
pointed upon the recommendation of the other two." The 
commissions are so dated that one vacancy occurs each 
year, but at no time is the board without two members of 
experience. As a matter of fact Mr. Walcott and Mr. Barry 
have served continuously from the beginning. There have 
been three other appomtments in eight years 

5. Conditions. — The bill declares that whenever any 
controversy not involving questions which may be the sub- 
ject of a suit at law exists between an employer and his 
employes, if he employs twenty-five persons, the board 
shall, upon application, as soon as practicable, visit the 
locality and make careful inquiry into the cause, hear all 
persons interested, advise the parties what, if anything, 
ought to be done to adjust the dispute, and make a written 
decision. This decision shall at once be made public, re- 
corded by the secretary of the board and a copy filed with 
the clerk of the city or town where the business is carried 
on. 

6. Assistants. — When notice has been given as afore- 
said, each of the parties to the controversy, the employer on 
one side and the employes interested on the other side, may 
in writing nominate and the board may appoint one person to 
act in the case as expert assistant to the board. The two 
persons so appointed shall be skilled in and conversant with 
the business or trade concerning which the dispute has 
arisen. It shall be their duty, under the direction of the 
board, to obtain and report to the board information con- 
cerning the wages paid, and the methods and grades of work 
prevailing in manufacturing establishments wuhin the com- 
monwealth of a character similar to that in winch the mat- 
ters in dispute have arisen. The expert assistants shall be 



358 THE RIGH r AND WRONG OF STRIKES. 

sworn to the faithful discharge of their duty. They shall be 
entitled to receive from the treasury of the commonwealth 
such compensation as shall be allowed and certified by the 
board, together with all necessary traveling expenses. 
Should the petitioners fail to perform the promise made in 
the application, the board shall proceed no further without 
the written consent of the adverse party. 

7. Witnesses. ^The board is authorized to compel the 
attendance of witnesses antl the production of books, rec- 
ords and papers, and administer oaths. Section 5 provides 
for the publication of the decision. Section 6 is very im- 
portant, and provides that all decisions of the board shall 
be binding upon the parties who join in said application for 
six months, or until either party has given the other notice 
in writing of his intention not to be bound by the same at 
the expiration of sixty days therefrom. Said notice may be 
given to said employes by posting the same in three con- 
spicuous places in the shop or factory where they work. 

8. No Compulsion. — There is no penalty provided for 
refusing to submit to the decision of the board, nor is there 
any method of eiift)rcing its decrees. Everything that 
points to force or compulsion seems to have been carefully 
omitted, and the sixth section, which provides that the de- 
cision shall be binding for only six months, seems to be a 
weak spot in the law. 



The Right and Wrong of Strikes. 

1. Complete Equality. — In any contract or business re- 
lation between the wage-laborer and the wage-payer, the 
two parties meet on terms of complete equality in respect 
to the law, to natural common rights, to the claims of re- 
spect and courtesy, to all the obligations of fair and patient 
consideration. 

2. Class-Feeling. — This excludes on the part of 
the wage-laboier, jealousy, suspicion, eye-service or 
sham work, under the influence of class-feeling or resent- 
ment. It excludes on the part of the wage payer, contempt, 
national or sectional or personal prejudice, all taking ad- 
vantage from a sense of superior power or social standing, 
or from any traditional sentiment due to past social dis- 
tinctions. 

3. No Transaction is Righteous. — No transaction is 
righteous where the necessities, the weakness, the depend- 



THE RIGHT AND WRONG OF STRIKES. 



3)9 



ence of the laborer are directly or indirectly made to re- 
duce the price of his service below an equitable mark, or to 
delay pavnient. 

4. Effects Far Beyond the Immediate Issue.— In cases 
of difference, however exasperating, a wise forecast will 
keep both parties in mind that every such struggle has 




The Effects of Strikes. 



effects far beyond the immediate issue, and that, in the 
present and prospective state of public feeling, any settle- 
ment brought about by sheer coercion is to be deprecated 
as leaving behind irritation instead of mutual good will, and 
the discontent of an unhealed wound instead of mutual con- 
fidence. 



-360 THE RIGHT AND WRONG OF STRIKES. 

5. What Is a Strike?— A strike is a concerted sus- 
pension of work by wage-workers of either sex in the em- 
ploy of wage-payers for an alleged non-fulhllment of a con- 
tract, or as a protest at the alleged imposition of new de- 
mands, or for the sake of obtaining some benefit declared 
10 be deserved on account of new conditions in the line of 
industry pursued, or in the cost of livmg, or for the correc- 
tion of personal offenses against wage-workers. 

6. A Great Evil. — Taking into account the disturb- 
ances, the damage to related branches of business, the risk 
of loss, temporary at least, to one or both parties, the un- 
certainty of the result, and the probable provocation to ill- 
temper and consequent alieaation, the strike must be re- 
garded as an evil — a measure to be resorted to only in the 
last extremity, when all other modes of remedy or satis- 
faction have first been tried. 

7. How to Prevent Strikes. -^The primary preventive 
of strikes is definiteness and particularity in the original 
agreement of contract between the employer and the em- 
ployed. The specifications could easily be made to meet 
ordinary cases of difference, and forestall a rupture. 

8. Reduced Wages. — Xo strike can be justified on the 
ground of reduced wages where it can be proved by the 
board of arbitration, or otherwise, that the market value of 
the product of the industry is insut^cient to sustain wages 
at the regular rate. The employer should show his books, 
the workman what it costs him to live, and fully explain his 
•embarrassment in meeting present prices. 

9. Needless Element. — Justice demands that, except 
in extreme necessity, the act which, on either side, dis- 
solves the contract or suspends the work should not be sud- 
den. The suddenness is a needless element in the injury. 
Unless there is a patent or actual outrage, notice ought to 
be given and an opportunity afforded for an amicable ad- 
justment. Either party may appreliend that the other will 
take advantage of the notice to secure itself and damage the 
antagonist. 

10. Serious and Needless Losses. — Serious and need- 
less losses are sulfered among workmen .uid thv ir families 
by haste, indiscretion and assumption in exciting and or- 
dering strikes where they are not warranted by sufficient 
cause. If organizations are needed to prevent this mischief, 
organization becomes an imperative duty. Xo rash indig- 
nation, no appeals to pride or class spirit, no false loyalty to 
an irresiKinsible society, will excuse a wanton waste of time 
and family comfort. Workingmen lose by it not only what 
-they cannot afford to lose in their own welfare; they lose 



THE RIGHT AND WRONG OF STRIKES. 361 

the respect and sympathy of the wiser part of the com- 
munity standing ready to befriend them. 

II.' Rights of Labor. — That any number of men in this 
country have a right to combine, organize and act together 
for the lawful promotion of their convictions or their com- 
mon interests, ought by this time to be beyond dispute. If 
a number of men may combine to raise or keep up the price 
of oil, wheat or sugar, then there may be a union to raise or 
keep up the price of labor. An organization of workmen 
for that purpose is far less likely to do mischief than are the 
m.anufacturers or traffickmg monopolists who overtax the 
many for the aggrandizement of the few. It will be likely 
to have in it manlier men, better characters, and a more 
disinterested public spirit. 

12. Politicians. — Politicians, who have no scruples in 
damaging and obstructing one another's parties by all sorts 
of devices, are shocked when they hear, and sometimes 
when they only suspect, that labor men are doing the same 
thing. The game is bad for both of them. It takes time to 
convince unwilling minds, but time and experience will do 

it. . . 

13. Discharging Employes. — Membership m an asso- 
ciation representing a social theory, or a plan of mutual 
support, without any hostile purpose toward any particular 
institution or enterprise, is no more a justification for dis- 
charging workmen than is membership of the officers of a 
railroad in a political club a justification for an abandon- 
ment bv the workmen of their work. 

14. ' Capital and Labor. — It sounds well to say that labor 
cannot live without capital. In point of fact, taking capital 
in its technical scientific sense, there is a conceivable, and 
not impossible, industrial and social state where labor can 
live without capital independently and comfortably. It has 
done so, and may do so again. At any rate, capitalists know 
very well that without labor their capital would not, in most 
cases, have been created, and if created, w^ould speedily 
disappear. < 

15. Sharp Policy. — We hear it offered as an excuse tor 
a sharp policy on the part of capital that the working classes 
are in no danger of depression, in fact that they rather need 
to be kept down by the strong hand. Is it true? By a recent 
report of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, 
"one-third of all the persons engaged in remunerative labor 
are unemployed at their principal occupation for about one- 
third of their working time." The average annual wages of 
the operatives in ninety manufacturing establishments in 
New England, as shown by a professor of the Massachusetts 



362 BOARDS OF LABOR CON'CILIATION. 

State Agricultural College, was in 1888,8441; of the proprie- 
tors, $4,983. Two hundred and fifty thousand families con- 
trol 75 to 80 per cent, of our national wealth, while 75 per 
cent, pay but 27 per cent, of taxes for the support of the 
government, and the owners of but a quarter of the property 
pay 73 per cent. 



Boards of Labor Conciliation. 

1. Use of Boards of Conciliation. — It is surprising that 
we, in this country, have as yet made so little use of boards 
of conciliation. In England they are found in many of the 
large trades, and, as a direct result, in many businesses 
strikes have become a thing of the past, and both the wage- 
workers and the employers are outspoken in their expres- 
sions of thankfulness for the more intelligent relations and 
better feelings that have ensued. 

2. Arbitration. ^Arbitration is not the same as concili- 
ation, but may be used when conciliation has failed, or 
where there has been no attempt at conciliation. Arbitra- 
tion is "after the fact," and implies that a cause of differ- 
ence and a dispute have arisen. By arbitration this maybe 
settled, a compromise effected and war averted; and that 
whether the dispute relates to past arrangements, as to what 
are the terms or an existing contract, the just application of 
those terms to a new state of things, or whether the difficulty 
is to agree upon future prices or conditions of labor. 

3. Conciliation. — Conciliation aims at something higher 
— at dmng before the fact that which arbitration accom- 
plishes after. It seeks to prevent and remove the causes of 
dispute before they arise, to adjust differences and claims 
before they become disputes. Arbitration is limited to the 
larger and more general questions of industry, those of 
wages or prices, or those concerning a whole trade, 
A board of conciliation deals with matters that could not be 
arbitrated upon; promotmg the growth of beneficial cus- 
toms; interfering m the smaller details of industrial life; 
modifying or removing some of tlie worst evils incidental to 
modern industry, such, for example, as the truck svstem, or 
the wrongs which workmen suffer at the hands of middle- 
men and overseers. 

4. Formation of a Board of Conciliation. — Of course, 
for the formation of a board of conciliation it is necessary 
that the wage-workers and (unless the board is confined but 
to one shop in the trade) the employers should be organized. 



PRINCIPLES OF ORGANIZED LABOR. 363 

in order that accredited representation from both sides 
should find place on the board, say three representatives 
from each side to be appointed as may be agreed upon. 
Organization and combination is, however, the order of the 
day, and when it is understood to be essential to the highest 
interests of the wage-payer and wage-receiver, suspicion 
and jealousy on this score may be expected to disappear. 

5. The Proceedings of the Board of Conciliation. — The 
proceedings of the board of conciliation are very informal, 
not like a court, but the masters and men sit round a table, 
the men interspersed with the masters. Each side has its 
secretary. The proceedings are without ceremony, and the 
matter is settled by what the men call a "long-jaw" dis- 
cussion and explan? tion of views, in which the men convince 
the masters as often as the masters the men. Oi course, 
this does not mean that every member of the board is always 
convinced, though it seems that even this is often the case, 
but when they are not they are content to compromise. It 
is in fact conciliation, and is better than the decision of a 
court or of an umpire. The "long-jaw" ending in an agree- 
ment, may take a longer time, but it is the true practical 
way out of the difficulty. 



The Principles and Declarations of 
Organized Labor. 

1. The True Standard. — To make industrial and moral 
worth, not wealth, the true standard of individual and na- 
tional greatness. 

2. Sufficient Leisure. — To secure for the workers the 
full enjoyment of the wealth they create; sufficient leisure 
in which to develop their intellectual, moral and social 
faculties; all of the benefits, recreation, and pleasure of as- 
sociation; in a word to enable them to share in the gains 
and honors of advancing civilization. 

3. Bureaus of Labor Statistics. — The establishment of 
Bureaus of Labor Statistics, that we may arrive at a correct 
knowledge of the educational, moral, and financial condi- 
tion of the laboring masses. 

4. Public Lands.— That the public lands, the heritage 
of the people, be reserved for actual settlers; not another 
acre for railroads or speculators; and that all lands now 
held for speculative purposes be taxed to their full value. 



3t:i PRINCIPLES OF ORGANIZED LABOR. 

5. Capital and Labor. — The abrogation of all laws that 
do not bear equally upon capital and labor, and the removal 
of unjust technicalities, delays, and discriminations in the 
administration of justice. 

6. Health and Safety. — The adoption of measures pro- 
viding for the health and safety of those engaged in mining 
and manufacturing and building industries, and for indem- 
nification to those engaged therein for injuries received 
through lack of necessary safeguards. 

7." Protect Their Rights.— The recognition by incor- 
poration of trades-unions, orders and such other associations 
as may be organized by the working masses to improve 
their condition and protect their rights. 

8. To Pay Employes Weekly. — The enactment 
of laws to compel corporations to pay their employes 
weekly, in lawful money, for the labor of the pre- 
ceding week, and giving mechanics and laborers a tirst lien 
upon the product of their labor to the extent of their full 
wages. 

9. The Abolition of the Contract System.— The aboli- 
tion of the contract system on national, state and municipal 
works. 

ID. Arbitration. — The enactment of laws providing for 
arbitration between employers and employea, and to en- 
force the decision of the arbitrator. 

11. Employment of Children.— The prohibition by law 
of the employnientof children under fifteen years of age in 
workshops, mines and factories. 

12. Convict Labor.— To prohibit the hiring out of con- 
vict labor. 

13. Income Tax.— That a graduated income tax be 
levied. 

14. National Monetary System,— The establishment 
of a national monetary system, in ^vhi':h a circulating 
medium in necessary quantity shall issue direct to the 
people, without the intervention of banks; that all the 
national issue shall be full legal tender in payment of all 
debts, public and private; and that the government shall 
not guarantee or recognize any private banks or create any 
banking corporations. 

15. Interest Bearing Bonds.— That interest bearing 
bonds, bills of credit or notes shall never be issued by the 
government; but that, when need arises, the emergency 
shall be met by issue of legal tender, non-interest bearing 
money. 

16. Foreign Labor.— That the importation of ioreigD 
labor under contract be prohibited. 



LABOR LEGISLATION. 365 

17. Post Office. — That, in connection with the post 
office, the government shall organize financial exchanges, 
safe deposits, and facilities for deposit of the savings of the 
people in small sums. 

18. Government Purchase, Telegraphs, Telephones, 
Railroads. — That the government shall obtain possession, 
by purchase under the rights of eminent domain, of all tele- 
graphs, telephones and railroads; and that hereafter no 
charterer license be issued to any corporation for the con- 
struction or operation of any means of transporting 
intelligence, passengers or freights. 

And while making the foregoing demands upon the 
state and national government, we will endeavor to associ- 
ate our own labors. 

19. To Establish Co-operative Institutions.— To es- 
tablish co-operative institutions such as will tend to super- 
sede the wage system, by the introduction of a co-operative 
industrial svstem. 

20. Both Sexes Equal Pay. — To secure for both sexes 
equnl pay for equal work. 

21. To Shorten the Hours of Labor. — To shorten the 
hours of labor by a general refusal to work for more than 
eight hours. 

22. To Persuade Employers to Arbitrate. — To per- 
suade employers to arbitrate all differences which may arise 
between them and their employes, in order that the bonds 
of sympathy between them may be strengthened, and that 
strikes may be rendered unnecessary. 



Labor Legislation. 

ANTI-BOYCOTTINQ AND ANTI=BLACKLISTINa 

LAWS. 

The states having laws prohibiting boycotting in terms 
are Illinois and Wisconsin. 

The states having laws prohibiting blacklisting in terms 
are Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Mis- 
souri, Montana, North Dakota, \'irginia and Wisconsin. 

The following states have laws which may be fairly con- 
strued as prohibiting boycotting: Alabama, Connecticut, 
Georgia, Indiana, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, 
Montana, N«w Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ore- 
gon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Texas and Vermont. 



366 



LABOR LEGISLATION. 




J. R. SOVEREIGN, 
Grand Master of the Knights of Labor. 



The following states have laws which may be fairly con- 
strued as prohihitiiis blacklistint;:: Maine, !\Iichi_£jan, Min- 
nesota, New Hampshire, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island. 
South I)akota, Texas and \'ermont. 

In New York it is a misdemeanor for any employer to 
exact an agreement, either written or verbal, from an em- 
ploye not to join or become a member of any labor organ- 
ization, as a condition of employment. 



EIGHT-HOUR LAWS. 

Alabama. — Eight hours of labor constitute a day's work 
for a woman or a child under eighteen (18) years of age in 
a mechanical or manufacturing business. 



LABOR LEGISLATION. 367 

California. — Eight hours of labor constitute a day's 
work, unless it is otherwise expressly stipulated by the par- 
ties to a contract. A stipulation that eight hours of labor 
constitute a day's work must be made a part of all contracts 
to which the state or any municipal corporation therein is 
a party. But m the case of drivers, conductors and grip- 
men of streetcars for the carriage of passengers, a day's 
work consists of twelve hours. It is a misdemeanor for any 
person having a minor child under his control, either as 
ward or apprentice, to require such child to labor more than 
eight hours in any one day, except in vinicultural or horti- 
cultural pursuits, or in domestic or household occupations. 

Colorado. — Eight hours constitute a day's work for all 
workingmen employed by the state, or any county, town- 
ship, school district, municipality, or incorporated town. 

Connecticut. — Eight hours of labor constitute a lawful 
day's work unless otherwise agreed. 

District of Columbia. — Eight hours constitute a day's 
work for all laborers or mechanics employed by or in behalf 
of the District of Columbia. 

Idaho. — Eight hours' actual work constitute a lawful 
day's work on all state and municipal works. 

Illinois. — Eight hours are a legal day's work in all 
mechanical employments, except on farms, and when other- 
wise agreed; does not apply to service by the day, week or 
month, or prevent contracts for longer hours. 

Indiana. — Eight hours of labor constitute a legal day's 
work for all classes of mechanics, workingmen and laborers, 
excepting those engaged in agricultural and domestic labor. 
Overwork by agreement and for extra compensation is per- 
mitted. 

Kansas. — Eight hours constitute a day's work for all 
laborers, mechanics or other persons employed by or on 
behalf of the state or any county, city, township or othei 
municipality. 

Nebraska. — Eight hours constitute a legal day's work 
for all classes of mechanics, servants and laborers, except 
those engaged in farm or domestic labor. 

New Mexico. — Eight hours of labor actually performed 
upon a mining claim constitute a day's work, the value of 
the same being fixed at four dollars. 

New Jersey. — Eight hours constitute a day's labor on 
any day whereon any general or municipal election shall be 
held. 

New York. — Eight hours constitute a day's work for 
mechanics, workingmen and laborers, except in farm or 
domestic labor, but overwork for extra pay is permitted. 



368 COMPETITION THAT KILLS. 

The law applies to those employed by the state or munici- 
pality, or by persons contracting for state work. 

Ohio. — Eight hours shall constitute a day's work in all 
engagements to labor in any mechanical, manufacturing or 
mining business, unless otherwise expressly stipulated in 
the contract. But in case of conductors, engineers, firemen 
or trainmen of railroads, a day's work consists of ten hours. 

Pennsylvania. — Eight hours, between rising and setting 
of sun, constitute a day's work in the absence of an agree- 
ment for longer time. The law does not apply to farm 
labor or to service by the year, month, etc.; but in case of 
employes of street railroads a day's work consists of twelve 
hours. 

Utah. — Eight hours constitute a day's work upon all 
public works. 

Wisconsin. — In all engagements to labor in any manu- 
facturing or mechanical business, where there is no express 
contract to the contrary, a day's work shall consist of eight 
hours; but the law does not apply to contracts for labor by 
the week, month or year. In all manufactories, workshops 
or other places used for mechanical or manufacturing pur- 
poses, the time of labor of children under the age of eigh- 
teen, and of women employed therein, shall not exceed 
eight liours in the day. 

Wyoming. — Eight hour's actual work constitute a legal 
day's work in all mines and public works. 

United States. — Eight hours shall constitute a day's 
work for all laborers, workmen and mechanics who may be 
employed by or on behalf of the United States. 



Competition That Kills. 

1. Cloakmakers.— The cloakmakers who lately went 
on strike in New York had been forced to work under most 
unhealthy conditions from twelve to sixteen and even eigh- 
teen hours a day, and often seven days in a week, to make 
a bare living. They earned from $7 to §10 weekly; and as 
they were often out of work, $5 a week may have been a fair 
average for their wages the year around. 

2. " Sweating " Dens. - In Philadelphia there are even 
more "sweating" dens for clothing-makers than in New 
York. A Philadelphia minister states that there are six 
hundred of these dens to the square mile in which his church 
stands. 



EMANCIPATED LABOR. 369 

3. Ill-fed, Unwashed. — The same witness describes the 
workers as ill-fed, unwashed, half-clad, their hands damp 
with slow consumption. The children work as soon as they 
can draw a thread, and as the factory age in the sLate is. 
thirteen, even those who cannot speak plainly will say 
"thirteen " mechanically when asked their age. 

4. Small Employers. — It is also well known that when 
one of the small employers was urged to repair his roof in 
order to save his employes from exposure and disease, he 
replied: "Men are cheaper than shingles; no sooner does 
one drop out than a dozen are ready to take his place." 

5. Is There No Remedy? — These are illustrative facts. 
They indicate, but do not describe, a widely prevailing con- 
dition. 

Is there no remedy? Is the law of competition not capa- 
ble of being controlled in the interest of public health, de- 
cency, and well-being? Must we continue to welcome the- 
weaklings of other nations, who here fight with each oiher 
to obtain even the unwholesome task-slavery of the sweat- 
shop? 

Emancipated Labor. 

1. Man's First Appearance. — In the long history of 
our planet, since man's first appearance upon it, the era 
which we call antiquity seems little more than of yester- 
day; while the distance between the denizen of the ancient 
and the citizen of the modern world, as far as institutions, 
like those of government, literature and art are concerned, 
is in many ways insignificant. Yet when we consider the 
workman of antiquity, and compare him with the toiler of 
our own time, the iwo seem to be separated by an immense 
interval. 

2. Serfdom. — The industrial arrangements of the 
ancient civilizations were all based on the serfdom that 
sprang from war. For when men reached the agricultural 
stage, they no longer killed captives taken in battle, but 
employed them in the tilling of the ground, and later in the 
construction of public works. 

3. Knew Nothing of Free Labor. — Empires like thase 
of China, Assyria, Egypt, Greece and Rome knew nothing 
of free labor, in the modern meaning of that term. It was 
slaves who built the Great Wall of China, slaves who reared 
the Pyramids, slaves who erected the classic monuments 
still visible in the peninsulas of the Mediterranean, and 
slaves again who scattered all over England the memonil*. 
of the Roman invasion. 



370 ilMANCIPATED LABOR. 

4. Slavery of Labor. — Nor did the slavery of labor 
belong only to the ancient world. The same spirit of mil- 
itarism that entrenched the institution there perpetuated it 
through the middle ages, down to a comparatively modem 
period. It lingered long m Germany and England and 
showed signs of breaking up only with the decay of the 
feudal system, with the rise of the towns, the development 
of the burgher class, and the formation of trades guilds. By 
the end or the fourteenth century serfdom became prac- 
tically extinct in western Europe, and with its extirpation 
the labonng classes began to recover from the effects of 
their long enchainment. 

5. Modern Industrialism. — It is true that the rise of the 
modern industrialism at the opening of the eighteenth cen- 
tury led to many abuses and hardships, yet efforts were 
sooner or later made to remedy them by process of law, and 
the same English legislature which set out by endeavoring 
to fix the wages of working people ended by passing enact- 
ments for their protection. 

6. Protective Legislation. — To-day this protective leg- 
islation is of wide-reaching import. It restricts hours of 
labor, prohibits the employment of young children, provides 
holidays, compels the employer to fence in dangerous 
machinery, enables a workman to sue for damages, and 
permits those combinations of laborers which were once 
forbidden and punished as crimes. 

7. Improvement of the Conditions of Labor, — Step by 
step with this improvement of the conditions of labor has 
gone an important amelioration of the political status of 
the workingman. Absolute power has been mtxiified and 
militarism everywhere weakened by industrialism. The 
rights of the old feudal lords have largely passed to the 
land owners and later to the capitalists, who maybe re- 
garded as their successors, while in European countries 
some of the power of the upper classes was transferred to 
the middle classes. 

8. Abolition of Serfdom.— But the chief and latest 
product of the movement that began with the abolition of 
serfdom has been the gradual extension of political power 
to the whole body of the people, so that the workman who 
formerly "did not own himself" now not only enjoys the 
protection of the law, but himself has a share in the work 
and the responsibilities of government. 

9. Fairer and More Equal Chance. — The net result of 
this advance of labor improvement of its conditions on the 
one hand, and the conferring upon it of rights and privileges 
on the other — ha3 been to secure to workingmen a fairer 



EMANCIPATED LABOR. 



371 



and more equal chance in tbe struggle of life than they ever 
enjoyed before. And though the upward movement is by 
no means ended, it has already gone far enough to teach 
the lesson that no difficulties are henceforth likely to arise 
between capital and labor, which fairness, business sagacity 
and the spirit of compromise may not triumphantly over- 
come. 




The Coal Miner's Lot. 



372 



TEMPERANCE, 




GEN. NEAL DOW, of Maine, 
Author of the Maine Temperance Law. 

Intemperance. 

/. Importance of Question.— One uf the greatest and 
most important tiuestioub bclore the American people, and 
one which more widely concerns the interests of the labor* 
ing classes than any other, is the temperance question. 



INTEMPERANCE. 373 

2. Blighting Curse of Labor. — The fact that intemper- 
ance is the blighting curse of labor, and one of the deadli- 
est foes of the workingmen of this country is impressing 
itseF more and more upon the minds of labor organizations 
and their leaders. It is among the poor, the laboring 
classes, that intemjierance does its most destructive work, 

3. Strength of the Saloon.— The hold that the saloon 
has upon the laboring classes is realized only when we at- 
tempt to estimate the proportion of their earnings that the 
saloon receives. Then again, rich men have their social 
clubs, but especially in our large cities is it true that the 
saloon attempts to provide for social gatherings. In this way 
thousands are misled. 

4. Saloon in Politics. — What makes it all the more 
powerful is that very frequently the saloon controls politics. 
Political parties must at least be silent on the temperance 
question, or else they will lose the vote of the laboring 
classes. In many cases the saloon dictates the platforms 
and candidates. 

5. Economic Aspects. — Viewing it only as to its eco- 
nomic aspects it towers above every other question. The 
magnitude of the liquor traffic is immense and the cost is 
paid not by the millionaire but by the industrial classes. 

6. Estimates of Cost. — It is estimated that the direct 
cost of the drink traffic for 1890 was $765,000,000. Besides 
this the indirect losses from drink through loss of work by 
hard drinkers, poor workmanship of drinking classes, death 
of drunkards, and the poverty and crime induced by drink 
for the same year reach §453,000,000. This makes a total 
loss of $l,21b,000,000 in one year to the country because of 
strong drink. Whether it is a sound financial policy to en- 
courage or even to permit a positive loss of nearly one and 
one-quarter billions of dollars to the people in order that 
the government may gain a revenue of §137,263,974, the 
revenue for 1890, is a question easily answered. 

7. The Moral Aspect — The moral aspect cannot be 
reckoned in dollars and cents, but a study of the question 
will demonstrate the fact that the financial ruin that it brings 
upon the nation is slight compared to the demoralization 
and utter ruin of noble manhood. 

8. Universally Recognized Evil. — That the drink traffic 
is universally recognized as an evil is a fact, but the many dif- 
ferent plans, ideas, and opinions of men as to how to re- 
move the evil has prevented a united effort on the part of 
the better element of society, and has thwarted much of 
the work that has been done, and hindered the proaress of 
the work in general. 



374 INTEMPERANXE, 

9. The W. C. T. U. — Among all the agencies at work 
to suppress the drink traffic none is more widely known and 
none has had such an influence in bringing to public notice 
the evils thereof and in awakening the conscience of the 
American citizen as the Woman's Christian Temperance 
Union. 

10. Organization, Methods and Scope. — It was organ- 
ized in lb74. Its nieihods are preventive, educational, 
evangelistic, social and legal. With its forty departments 
it has widened its scope until there is no wrong against 
which it has not lifted up its voice, nor good with which it 
is not allied. The importance of the organization prompts 
us to give an outline of the work of a few of its many de- 
partments. 

11. Preventive. — This Department aims to extend the 
reverent study of God's health decalogue, with a view to 
best methods of daily living, and by wise and careful woids 
to teach the power and force of Heredity in races and indi- 
viduals, and its relation to healthy and diseased conditions, 
through Heredity institutes, the circulationof literature and 
addresses by lady physicians, especially to mothers. 

12. Scientific Temperance Instruction. — This Depart- 
ment aims to secure such legislation, local and state, as 
shall make the study and teaching of the laws of health, 
with special reference to the effect of stimulants and nar- 
cotics upon the human body, obi gatory throughout the en- 
tire system of public education, and to secure active per- 
sonal sympathy and co-operation in temperance work, on 
the part 01 the college students of the land. Its plans in- 
clude addresses, leaflets, open letters, circulation of litera- 
ture, and organization wherever practicable. 

That it has succeeded is clearly and forcibly shown by 
the accompanying map. 

13. The Press. — This department aims to provide the 
press, both religious and secular, with the latest and most 
miportant news concerning the Woman's Christian Tem- 
perance Union work in every department. 

14. Narcotics. — The aim of this department is to edu- 
cate the people in regard to the effects of tobacco, opium 
and other narcotics upon the body and the brain, with a 
view to the extermination of the habit of using and of the 
traffic in the same. Also to secure laws governing the sale 
of Narcotics. 

15. Penal and Reformatory. — This Department aims 
to carry (Gospel Temperance to the inmates of prisons and 
jails; to co-operate in the work of Prisoners' Aid Associa- 
tions; to aid in establishing Women's Reformatory Prisons 
and Industrial Homes for the criminal classes; to secure 



INTEMPERANCE. 375 

the appointment of women on State Boards of Charities and 
the maintenance of matrons in all prisons and police 
stations where women are arrested or imprisoned. 

i6. Purity. — This department aims to exhibit the rela- 
tions existing between the drink habit and the nameless 
habits, outrages and crimes which disgrace modern civili- 
zation; and especially to point out the brutalizing influence 
of malt liquors upon the social nature. 

It seeks to estaUksh a single code of morals, and to 
maintain the law of purity as equally binding upon men 
and women. It has in view a distinct effort to impress upon 
the minds of men and women, youth and maidens, the abso 
lute demands of religion and physiology for purity in 
thought, word and deeii. 

It will endeavor to secure legislation of a character cal- 
culated to protect the honor and purity of the young, and 
defend women and girls from the depravity of brutal men, 

17. Legal. — This departmentaims to secure prohibition 
by constitutional and statutory law in every state and terri- 
tory, and to secure a prohibitory amendment to the National 
Constitution. Methods are varied, as the manifold work of 
the W. C. T. U, As all roads once led to Rome, so every 
purpose and plan points to the consummation defined un- 
der this all-embracing "aim." 

18. Christian Citizenship. — 

Object. — To study the science of government and the 
rights and duties of citizens, to educate and influence voters, 
to combat the evils of organized society at the caucus, con- 
vention and ballot-box. 

Standpoint. — This is Christian. Christian principles and 
ethical standards must be introduced and maintained in all 
the social and political relations of mankind. 

19. Temperance Temple. — 

The meetings of the Chicago W. C. T. U. were held in 
the old Farwell hall until it was set apart exclusively for 
young men. Through the untiring energy and zeal of the 
president of the Chicago Union, Matilda B. Carse, an im- 
mense office building known as The Temple has been 
erected at a cost of §1,265,000. Friends of the W. C. T. U. 
throughout the wide world are paying for this building. Its 
yearly income from rental of offices when fully paid for will 
be over $200,000, all of which is to be used in carrying on 
the temperance work. Every day at noon a meeting is held 
in Willard Hall, in this building, that results in the rescuing 
of many from a drunkard's grave. This Temple is known 
everywhere as the national building of the Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union. 



376 



INTEMPER.\NCE. 
THE NATION S DRINK BILL. 1904. 





Ben. 




Spirits and Wims. 


YEAR. 


Gallons. 


Per 

cap ill. 


Gallons. ^^^ 


1894 


1,036,319,222 
1,043,242,100 
1,080,020,165 
1,009,310,262 
1,164,226,462 
1,135,520,029 
1,221,500,100 
1,2.58,249,391 
1,381,875,437 
1,449,879,952 


15.32 
15.13 
15.38 
14.94 
15.96 
15.28 
16.01 
16.20 
17.49 
18.04 


111,834,333 
97,472.610 
89,753,283 
111,755,190 
102,054.904 
113,070,924 
127,075,873 
131,877,988 
157,200,.554 
149,883,302 


1.06 


1895 


1.41 


1896 


1.37 


1897 


1.56 


1898 


1.39 


1899 


1 53 


1900 


1.67 


1901 


1.69 


1902 


1.99 


1903 


1.86 







The total cost to the nation for stimulants in 1903 was $1,451,633,379, of 
which $1,242,943,118 was for alcoholic drinks. $1.56,090,201 for coffee, $45,- 
000,000 for lea and 57,000,000 for cocoa, chocolate, etc. The per capita cost 
of beverages in 1903 was $18.15, or $19.75 for each family. The total for 1902 
was $1,309,098,270; for 1901, $1,273,212,386; for 1900. $1,228,674,925; for 
1899, $1,146,897,822, and for 1898, $1,177,661,366. 



WINES AND LIQUORS CONSUMED IN THE UNITED STATES. 





Wines. 


Malt Liquors. 


Distilled SpirUs. 


Total -uines 
and liquors. 


"-5 "i 


<< 


Consump- 
lio'i. 




Consumption. 


W.5 


Consump- 
tion. 


W.5 


5 3 


1840 
18.50 
I860 
1870 
1880 
1890 
1891 
1892 
1893 
1894 
1895 
1896 
1897 
1898 
1899 
1900 
1901 
1902 
1903 


Gallons 
4,873,096 
6,315,871 
11,059,141 
12.225,007 
28,329,541 
28,956.981 
29,033,792 
28,467.800 
31,987,819 
21,293,124 
19,644.049 
18.701.400 
38,5.><8.307 
20.507.317 
26.360.090 
30,427.491 
28.7<I1.149 
49,754.403 
38,719.355 


Gal. 

.29 

.27 

.35 

.32 

.56 

.46 

.45 

.44 

.48 

.31 

.28 

.26 

.53 

.28 

.35 

.40 

.37 

.63 

.48 


Gallons. 

23,310,843 

3(1,503,009 

101,346,009 

204,756,150 

414,220,105 

855,792,335 

977,479,701 

987,490.223 

1,074.540,336 

1,036,319,222 

1,043,292,106 

1,080,626,165 

1,060.310.202 

1,104.220.402 

1.135..520.629 

1.221. .500. 160 

1.2.58.249.391 

1.381.875.4.37 

1.449.S79.952 


Gals. 

1.36 

1.58 

3.22 

5.31 

8.20 

13.07 

15.31 

15.17 

10.20 

15.32 

15.13 

15.38 

14.94 

15.96 

15.28 

10.01 

16.20 

17.49 

18.04 


Pl-gallons 
43,060,884 
51,833,473 
89,968,651 
79,895,7a8 
C3,.526,694 
87,829,562 
91,157,565 
98,328,118 
101,197,753 
90,541,209 
77,828,561 
71,051,877 
73,106,833 
81,4.87,587 
87.310.228 
97.248,382 
103,086,839 
107,452,151 
117,2.52.148 


P-G 
2.52 
2.23 
2.86 
2.07 
1.27 
1.40 
1.43 
1.51 
1..52 
1.34 
1.13 
1.01 
1.02 
1.12 
1.17 
1.27 
1.33 
1.36 
1.46 


Gallons. 

71.244,823 

94,712,353 

202,374,461 

296,876.931 

506,076,400 

972,578,878 

1,097.071,118 

1.114.292,201 

1.207.731.908 

1,148.153.555 

1,140.704,716 

1,I70,.379.448 

1,181,005.402 

1,206,281.306 

1.249.191.553 

1,349.176.033 

1.390,127.379 

1,539,081,991 

1.005,851.455 


Gals. 
4.17 
4.08 
6.44 
7.70 
10.09 
15.53 
17.19 
17.12 
18.20 
1697 
16.54 
16.66 
16.50 
17.36 
16.90 
17.68 
17.98 
19.4.S 
19.98 



I 



INTEMPERANCE. 



377 




THE TEMPLE. 



20. The Keeley Cure. — In recent years the Keeley cure 
has become very prominent in temperance work. Many who 
were being ruined by strong drink have through this 
remedy been restored to manhood and give promise of use- 
ful citizenship. It is best to keep from falling, but to those 
over whom the drink habit has control, this cure comes as a 
blessed boon. The principal establishment is at Dwight, 111. 

21. Other Organizations. — There are other numerous 
organizations that are doing effective temperance work. 
The churches and auxiliary societies are creating a senti- 
ment that will make itself felt. The Prohibition party has 
by its determined defense of what it believes to be the 
dominant issue in politics done much to awaken the citizen to 
a realization of the danger ahead and his duty in the matter. 

22. The One Thing Needful. — There is a sufficient 
number of loyal, patriotic, and wideawake citizens to banish 
the drink traffic from the land. These may see the great evil 
of the traffic, but are still at variance as to the treatment to 
be given to it. When all Christian, patriotic, and liberty- 
loving American citizens stand united, the greatest enemy 
of the toiling masses, the greatest foe of our nation, the 
greatest hindrance to prosperity will speedily be removed 
from the land. 



378 THE PROBLEM OF THE AMERICAN TRAMP 

The Problem of the American Tramp. 

1. Honest Laboring Men. — Any one whose memory 
reaches Itac k a scure of years can well remember that the 
first tramps were honest laboring men seeking employment. 
Men driven from home and the restraint of home life, and 
thrown into contact with others of their class with nothing 
to do, could not long remain innocent; smarting under an 
indefinable sense of wrong done them by society, soon be- 
coming objects of suspicion, they naturally became more 
or less criminals. 

2. The Terrible Tramp. — Find fault as we may, the 
terrible tramp is upon us; he has tramped out, and goes on 
tramping out the sense of security enjoyed by dwellers in 
town and country alike. He has well nigh tramped out that 
beautiful hospitality once habitual with us, so that we dare 
not use hospitality to strangers, and so fail of the privilege of 
"sometimes entertaining angels unawares," and of obeying 
the Scri[)tures' injunction. His heavy footfall has well nigh 
smothered out our love for men as men, and I fear, has seri- 
ously impaired our love for their Creator. " If a man love 
not his brother whom he has seen, how can he love God 
whom he hath not seen ? " If history, as it is wont to do, re- 
peats itself in our case, our postejity may find that the 
tramp has changed the whole aspect and customs of our 
country. 

3. Drunkenness. — Drunkenness is a tramp-producing 
vice. Few of the men who are to-day tramping the country 
for bread and shelter no doubt found plenty of employment 
and friends when they were sober and honestly sought 
work. But when they began to drink they went rapidly 
down from bad to worse until they were forced from com- 
munity to community in search of employment among those 
who knew not of their vices, but their appearance and 
character soon condemned them and they were doomed to 
become outcasts. 

4. Crime. — There is but one step from drunkenness to 
crime and many of those who are tramping to-day have 
been guilty of some lesser or greater crime and in seeking 
to escape the penalties of the law they have become habitual 
tramps unknown and uiiknt)wablc. 

5. Remedy. — The first thing in restoring the reign of 
justice and to help the helpless and to protect the inno- 
cent is to break down the terrible power of strong drinks. 
With the intellect sobered and the hands steadied a man 
may soon be able to see plainly for himself and make pro- 
visions for bis own prosperity. A clear head and a strong 



H 

n: 
w 

o 

en 
en 

o 

> 
r 

H 
> 

ca 

o 
o 

z 
o 

11 
o 



> 

11 
> 

H 







380 



THE PROBLEM OF THK AMERICAN TRAMP 



arm is all that is necessary to make life a success. Wipe 
out the saloons and you will destroy one of the most fruitful 
sources of the present tramp nuisance. 

6. Mistaken Ideas. — It must be remembered that 
every man who is traveling over the country in search of 
employment is not a tramp; many of them are honestly 
seeking employment, this has been demonstrated repeated- 
ly and every man deserves respect until by some work or 
act he has proved himself unworthy. 



i'i 




HOMELESS. BUT WILLING TO WORK. 



The author and compiler of this work was once a boy 
tramp. He tramped the country with all his worldly pos- 
sessions under his arm in search of employment, but when 
employment was found he faithfully served one emplover, 
six years at hard farm labor. If a sober-looking fellow 
with an honest-looking face comes along and you need 
help give him a fair trial. The writer found one of the best 
antl most faithful of men by giving breakfast to a hungry 
man and then set him to work. Be charitable and 
thank Cn id that your lot is not that of a poor man out cf 
employ menu 




THE TRAMP WHO HAD TO EARN HIS MEAL. 



381 



382 



THE PROBLEM OF THE AMERICAN TRAMP. 



7. The Great Problem. — What shall be done with the 
tramp wlio will not work, who is not seeking to better his 
present condition, but has drifted into this habit of a tramp 
simply because he does not care to be anything else? is the 
great problem staring the people of this country in the 
face. Laws have been enacted by different municipal cor- 
porations to work the tramps upon the streets; imprison- 
ment and other punishments have been tried, but yet the 
tramp nuisance increases, it is growing instead of becoming 
less. There is not a scarcity of work, but the difficulty lies 
in a proper adjustment between labor and capital. It is no 
doubt true that the present revenues lost to the legitimate 
business of the country by the manufacturing sale of liquor 
would feed and clothe and give employment to every man 
willing to work. 

8. The Best Remedy. — Never feed a tramp unless you 
first have him earn his meal. It is an education that has a 
good effect upon a hungry stomach and it is a proper time to 
impress a good wholesome lesson. If you have nothing to 
do buy a cord of wood and keep it in readiness for the 
hungry tramp. Thirty minutes' work will fully demonstrate 
his worthiness for charity. By enforcing this rule — no work 
no meal — you will soon cease to be annoyed by the profes- 
sional tramp. 









sKv 












ON A COMMERCIAL TRIP. 



Trusts. 



Causes and Effects of Trusts. 

1. Original Meaning.— Trust, in its original meaning, 
is a good word and means a good thing, but it has got into 
bad company. Perhaps it would be more accurate to say 
that there is a party of well-born and well-bred words which 
are sowing wild oats, and which there is every reason to 
fear will go to the bad. The other prominent members of 
the company are the words "combine" and "deal;" but 
"trust" is the ringleader. 

2. What Is a Trust?— Let us define it as a corporation 
of corporations, or a corporation of the second degree. A 
corporation is an artificial person. It is a creation of the 
law. It has some of the civil rights of individual citizens, 
and is subject to a corresponding degree of obligation. The 
corporation may sue and be sued; it is entitled to the pro- 
tection of its property; it is required to pay taxes. Where- 
as a man has certain natural rights, a corporation has those 
only which ar^i conferred by the Legislature. 

3. Our Grandfathers.— Our grandfathers watched the 
beginning and the growth of corporate wealth and power 
with extreme jealousy. More than one state political con- 
vention in the first half of this century declared its opposi- 
tion to the chartering of any corporation for business pur- 
poses. The "trust" is an extension of the principle of the 
corporation. But it does not follow that, because some of 
the early objections to corporations were unreasonable, 
therefore the hostility to trusts will be found to have been 
based on prejudice and passion. 

4. Without the Permission of the State.— A trust is a 
combination of corporations, banded together under one 
management for the purpose of controlling the manufacture 

383 



^^-^ ;4^^ 




384 



CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF TRUSTS. 385 

of or trade in some article of extensive use. Usually it is 
not charterecJ, that is, it is not a corporation in the ordinary 
sense of the word, but is a voluntary association, which 
keeps secret its organization, its doings and its profits. 
Thus it may be, and in some cases is, an "artificial person" 
which exists without the permission of the state. 

5. The Chief Objection. — The chief objection to the 
trust is that a practical monopoly may be created. In fact, 
if a monopoly is not established the purpose of organizing 
the trust fails of accomplishment. For example — to take 
an illustration from a trade in which there is no trust — there 
are 1,200 or more corporations, firms and persons in this 
country engaged in the cotton manufacture. Some of the 
corporations are huge affairs. One in New Hampshire is 
the greatest in the world which is engaged in this trade. No 
harm results from the existence of these great corporations 
because, being scattered over the country and having diverse 
interests, they compete with each other. But if they were 
all to combine they would control the labor of spinners and 
weavers, they would regulate production in such a way 
as to maintain prices at a surely profitable level, and in 
various other ways would deprive the community of the ad- 
vantages of competition. 

6. Concentrating Great Capital. — Moreover, there is a 
strong feeling in the minds of many people who are by no 
means infected with socialistic views that discouragement 
and not encouragement should be given to the practice of 
concentrating great capital, and consequently great power, 
in the hands of a few men, oflficers and managers of such 
aggregates of corporations. 

7. Grander Scale. — These are the reasons urged against 
sanctioning trusts. There is something to be said in their 
favor, namely, that they make industrial developments pos- 
sible, on a grander scale than ever. But not many men 
hold that this advantage counterbalances the necessary 
evils; and no person, at least no one who desires political 
preferment, ventures to say even as much as that in their 
favor. 

8. High Protection.— It is no doubt true that the sys- 
tem of high protective tariff has a tendency to produce 
trusts. Trusts are nothing more nor less than schemes to 
rob the consumer. The poor simply are compelled to con- 
tribute to the wealth and support of the privileged and pro- 
tected classes of manufacturers. 



386 THE SHERMAN ANTITRUST LWV. 

THE SHERMAN ANTITRUST LAW. 



Passed by ihc olsl Congress and approved July 2, 1S90. 

Section 1. Even,' contract, combination in the form of 
trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or com- 
merce among the several states or with foreign nations, is here- 
by declared to be illegal. Every person who shall make any 
such contract or engage in any such combination or conspiracy 
shall be deemed guilty of misdemeanor, and, on conviction 
thereof, shall be punished by line not exceeding $5,000 or by 
imprisonment not exceeding one year or by both said punish- 
ments, in the discretion of the court. 

Section 2. Every person who shall monopolize or attempt 
to monopolize or combine or conspire with any person or per- 
sons to monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among 
the several states or with foreign nations shall be deemed guilty 
of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be punished 
by fine not exceeding $5,000 or by imprisonment not exceeding 
one vear, or by both said punishments, in the discretion of 
the court. 

Section 3. Every cmtract, combination in form of trust or 
otherwise, or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce in 
any territory- of the United States or of the District of Colum- 
bia, or in restraint of trade or commerce between any such ter- 
ritory and another, or between any such territory' or territories 
and any state or slates or the District of Columbia or with 
foreign nations, or between the District of Columbia and any 
st.-tc or states or foreign nations, is hereby declared illegal. 
Every person who shall make any such contract or engage in 
any such comlnnation or conspiracy shall be deemed guilty of a 
misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be punished by 
fine not exceeding $5,000 or by imprisonment not exceeding one 
year or by both said punishments, in the discretion of the court. 

Section 4. The several Circuit courts of the United States 
arc hereby invested with jurisdiction to prevent or restrain 
violations of this act; and it shall be the duty of the several 
district attorneys of the United States, in their respective dis- 
tricts, under the direction of the attorney -general, to institute 
jiroceedings in equity *o prevent and restrain such violations. 
Such proceedings may be by way of petition setting forth the 
case and praying that such \-iolation shall be enjoined or other- 
wise prohibited. When the i)arties complained of shall have 
been duly iiotified of such petition the court shall proceed, as 
soon as may be, to the hearing and determination of the case; 
and jiending such petition and before final decree the court 
may at any time make such temporary restraining order or pro- 
hibition as shall be deemed just in the jiremises. 

Section 5. Whenever it shall appear to the court before 



EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 387 

which any proceeding under section 4 of this act may be pend- 
ing that the ends of justice require that other parties should be 
brought before ihe court, the court may cause them to be sum- 
moned, whether they reside in the district in which the court is 
held or not; and subpoenas to that end may be served in any 
district by the marshal thereof. 

Section 6. Any property owned under any contract or by 
any combination or pursuant to any conspiracy (and being the 
subject thereof) mentioned in section 1 of this act and being in 
the course of transportation from one state to another or to a 
foreign country shall be forfeited to die United Stales and may 
be seized and condemned by like f)rocecdini;s as those provided 
by law for the forfeiture, seizure and condemnation of property 
imported into the United States contrary to law. 

Section 7. Any person who shall be injured in his business 
or property by any other person or corporation by reason of any- 
thing forbidden or declared unlawful by this act may sue there- 
for in any Circuit court of the United States in the district in 
which the defendant resides or is found, without respect to the 
amount in controversy, and shall recover threefold the dam- 
ages by him sustained and the cost of suit, including a reason- 
able attorney's fee. 

Section 8. That the word "person" or "])ersons" wherever 
used in this act be deemed to include corporations and associa- 
tions existing under or authorized by the laws of either the 
United States, the laws of any of the territories, the laws of any 
state or the laws of any foreign country. 



Evils of Monopoly. 



Monopoly in private hands is bad, and always bad. There 
are no good monopolies. There can be no good monopolies 
in private hands until the Almighty sends us angels to preside 
over us. There may be a despot who is better than another 
despot, but there is no good despotism. One trust may be bet- 
ter than another trust, but there can be no good monopoly in 
private hands ; and it is not safe for society to pernut any man 
or set of men to monopolize any article of merchandise or any 
branch of business. 

A DANGER TO WORKMEN. After the trusts have bought out 

all the factories, they can close some of them and turn out of em- 
ployment the men who are engaged in them. In case of local 
strikes or of fires the work goes on elsewhere, thus preventing 
serious loss to the trust. If the people employed in one factory 
are not satisfied with the terms fixed by the monopoly they have 
no remedy; the shops may be closed without loss to the trust. 



388 EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 

as the woi can go on in other establishments under the same 
trust. This means that when one set of strikers are frozen out 
and are compelled to return to work at reduced wages, another 
strike may be provoked in another place and there also the work- 
men are frozen out until they return at reduced wages. And so 
the rounds may be made in order to depress the wages of the 
workmen. 

INVENTIVE GENIUS KILLED BY TRUSTS. As a result of 
the ceaseless and heartless grind of the trusts in the almost insane 
desire to control trade, ambition and inventi%-e genius will be 
deadened and killed. The trust is the creator of individual 
slavery. The master is the trust manager or director. It is his 
duty to serve the soulless and nameless being called the stock- 
holder. Dividends are of more importance than the happiness 
or the prosperity of anyone. The slave is the former merchant 
or business man. the artisan or mechanic, who once cherished 
the hope that he might some day reach the happy position of 
independent ownership of a business or of a cottage home. 

COMMERCIAL FEUDALISM isa logical outcomeof the trust, and 
the trust manager is the feudal baron. It is better to be forever 
poor, but independent and happy as individuals, than to lay the 
foundations for individual tyranny and slavery. Personal liberty 
is rather to be chosen than great riches. Equality of opportunity 
to all men is better than the control of the world's trade. 

The effect of the trust upon our national life and citizenship 
will not be sudden. It will rather be a silent and gradual change. 
Increase of the wealth of the country is greatly to be desired, but 
if the people are to be degraded to industrial slavery, wealth 
under such conditions is a curse. If our independent and intel- 
ligent business men and artisans are to be crowded out of exist- 
ence as a class by the trust, there is no remedy too drastic for 
the trust. 

We have given the private corporation " too much rope." 
Some mav sav, "(live it more rope and it will hang itself." That 
is to say that if left alone it will work out its own solution. But 
this will hardly do. There is too much at stake. The most 
important element of our citizenship is in the balance. We can- 
not afford to sap the strength of our democracy in order to for- 
ward an experiment. 

We should care more for the independence and manliness of 
the American citizen than for ail the gold and silver in the world. 
It is better to cherish the hapi)iness of the .\merican home than 
to control the commerce of the world. The degrading process 
of the trust means much to the future of a repubhc founded upon 
democratic jirincii)les. 

TRUST A MAN-MADE MAN. Man is God's dimax to cre- 
ation. i>ut man not being satisUed made a fictitious man and 



EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 389 

called it a corporation, or a company, or a trust, or a monopoly. 
The real man can live but the three score years and ten, but the 
corporation-man has no limit to his age. The real man has a 
soul to feel for his fellow man and he knows that he must give 
an account in the next world for the way in which he uses it in 
this ; but the corporation-man has no soul with which to feel in 
this world or to suffer in the next. 

But the power that created the man-made man has also the 
power to control him or to destroy him. WTiat the government 
gives it can take away. That is the only hope in the matter of 
personal monopoly. 

A BALANCED STATEMENT. The foregoing statements are 
openly opposed to the trusts, as given by different speakers and 
writers. Much more, very much more could be said bearing on 
that side of the subject, but it is only fair that other opinions 
should be presented. 

In almost every form of business industrial power is concen- 
trating itself and organizations are growing in size, and small 
enterprises are being crowded to the wall; the sphere of compe- 
tition is constantly being narrowed. If this tendency toward 
consohdation be natural, legislation should apply itself to the 
control of the industrial forces thus brought together. 

If, on the other hand, this tendency be artificial, the legisla- 
ture in deaUng with the situation, must seek to restore those con- 
ditions under whi h individual enterprise may be able to main- 
tain itself. 

Some industries tend naturally to consolidation and combi- 
nation, while others are well fitted by their character to continue 
a separate and competitive existence. All forms of transportation 
belong to the first class; the manufacturing industries are usually 
of the second class. Railways by their very nature tend toward 
combination and consolidation, h hundred manufacturing in- 
dustries are well fitted for individual management and adminis- 
tration. 

1. — Does the consolidation of manufacturing industries tend 
toward the reduction of the cost? 2.— Will manufacturing under 
trusts tend to guard society from the evils of commercial panics 
and commercial depression? 3. — Are trusts in harmony with 
a democratic organization of society? 

Manufacturing combinations contribute nothing to the reduc- 
tion of the cost of manufacture beyond what would be contrib- 
uted should each of the industries continue its independent com- 
petitive existence. That is to say, when the normal maximum 
efficiency is reached in the division of labor and in the use of 
machinery, a further enlargement of the plant would not cheapen 
the cost of the product. 



390 EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 

THE TRUST PROBLEM STATED. Firs/.— We may leave the 
entire inatli-r alone, in the hope that many of the trusts will go 
to pieces through their own weakness. But the trust movement 
is likely to become stronger and stronger if left undisturbed. 
Second. — We may adopt the I-nglish solution. The trust and 
labor unions may combine and the two continue to rob the con- 
sumer. Matters are tending in that direction now. The trusts 
readily meet the demands of the labor unions for higher wages 
and then turn to the consumer to compensate them for this e.xtra 
cost of production, each party thus climbing higher in wages 
and prices, all at the expense of the consumers. Third. — We 
may smash the trusts or attempt so to do. But this may be 
flying in the face of an opportunity to improve our industrial 
progress and check its natural evolution. Fourth. — We may 
remove the tarifls upon which the trusts depend largely for their 
existence. Fi/lh. — We can stop the granting of secret rebates 
and other special privileges by railroads to large shippers, and 
more especially to trusts and combinations. Perhaps the two 
greatest evils that make trusts possible and especially injurious, 
are tarilT protection and special privileges and rates. Si.xth. — 
Direct regulalioii of trusts is perhaps the most hopeful and the 
most practical of all remedies. 

REGULATION OF TRUSTS. Monopolies are inherently e\-il, 
and trusts that are true monopolies have an evil element in them. 
There is evidently a difference between an apparent monopoly 
and a true one. All the goods of a certain class may be manu- 
factured in one large establishment and yet it may not have a 
monopoly of the goods manufactured. 

If the output of the goods is curtailed at will, and the price 
raised to the point that yields the largest piossible profits, that 
would be a monopoly. K.xtortion from the consumer and depres- 
sion of the laborers' wages would result. If a trust cannot thus 
control output and price it is not a true monopoly, and can prac- 
tice Uttle, if any, extortion. 

The ordinary trusts have only a limited monopoly price and 
it is a survival of competition that holds them within limits. 
Latent competition has its influence in keeping down prices. Not 
a boat load of grain may be shipped from Chicago to the east 
bv the great lakes during a whole season, yet the possibility of 
stjch a carrying trade keeps the railroad rates within bounds. It 
is a latent competition. So new mills may not be built, but the 
possibility that under favoring conditions they may be built 
keeps the trusts within bounds. 

MONOPOLIES ARE AGAINST PUBLIC INTEREST, and trusts 

must not survive if that means monopoly. .\ trust can do many 
things that are evil, but it could do almost none of them if it were 
forced to treat all its customers alike. At present the trust caa 



EVILS OF MOXOPOLV. 391 

make ruinously low prices in one small area where some compe- 
tition is operating, while sustaining itself by profits made in twenty 
other areas where it has a full possession of the market. If it were 
under the single necessity of making one price for all buyers it 
would ruin itself by any attempt to compete in the cut-throat 
way as quickly as it could ruin a competitor. 

Prof. J. b! Clark closes his statements regarding the Regula- 
tion of Trusts in the following words : "There is much to be said 
in the elaboration of the plan of action that I suggest in a way 
that is too unique to win for it any adefjuate hearing. It would 
require a federal law and possibly an amendment of the federal 
constitution. It would require for elliciency a commission en- 
dowed with greater power than most bodies of this kind possess. 
It would ref|uire a vigorous prosecution of the work that our peo- 
ple meant to entrust to the inter-state commerce commission, and 
the suppression of corrupt dealings between favored mediums and 
corrupt carriers. We would reciuire the overcoming of many prej- 
udices. We shall have the trust forever. The economy inherent 
in its plan of production will save it. We shall yet have more 
than a trace of monopoly. Under the shelter of laws that seem 
strange to-day, but will seem natural when e.xperience shall be 
ripe or the full benefit of competition will be secured by the pur- 
chasing public and by the wage-earning classes, the wastes of 
the present type of com[jetition will be avoided, and yet the \)vo- 
tection that it affords will be retained. The possibility of having 
trusts without true monopoly will make socialism unnecessary." 

TRUSTS AND POLITICAL POWER. Perhaps the greatest 
danger arising from trusts is the ])ower they can wield in legisla- 
tive halls. These great corporations are seeking the avenues of 
political power. They are seeking to enhance their fortune by 
purchasing legislatures and by corrupting othcials. 

".\ll protective tariff is the mother of trusts" is one statement. 
" The railroads with their rebates and special rates are the bul- 
wark of the trusts," is another statement. "Special privileges 
make trusts possible," is another way of putting it. The last 
statement includes both the others. The remedy then would be 
(1) to remove the tariff from all trust-made goods; (2) to pass, 
laws forbidding discrimination by all railroads ; (3) to remove 
all laws that in any way favor one class of citizens as against, 
any other class. 

But here lies the difliculty; these great corporations and those 
classes who now enjoy special advantages are too powerful in our 
legislative halls ; the people cannot get back their own. So we 
must commence at the foundation — with the people themselves 
by the aid of the initiative and referendum. 

SOME REMEDIES NAMED. BOURKE COCHRAN'S REMEDY: 

(1) publicity for corporate mismanagement ; (2) prohibition un- 



392 EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 

der penalties for special favors ; (3) right of action against any 
corporation whose service is susf)ended, except an absolute defense 
proved that it was at times ready to discuss \\ith the employees 
questions at issue between them by agencies of their selection. 
The demand for secrecy in discharging a duty for another is the 
badge of fraud. No corporation has a right to secrecy in the 
discharge of its duties. No corporation an.vious to perform honest 
service to the public and its stockholders will seek secrecy or will 
insist upon it. 

MONOPOLY is a word which suffers from a very bad name, 
and correctly so. In the language of President Roosevelt. "Every 
man is entitled to a fair chance — no more, no less." " Iree op- 
portunity for all, and special privileges to none." 

EDITOR ROSEWATERS REMEDY. To make trusts hannless 
by (1) the creation by act of Congress of a bureau of supervision 
and control of corporations engaged in inter-state commerce, with 
powers for its relief similar to those exercised by the comptroller 
of the currency over national banks. (2) Legislation to enforce 
such [)ubhcity as will effectually prevent dishonest methods of 
accounting, and restrict trafBc and competition within legitimate 
channels. (3) The abrogation of all patents and copyrights held 
by trusts whenever the fact is established before a judicial tribu- 
nal that any branch of industry has been monof>olized by the 
holders of such i)atcnt3 or copyrights. (4) The enactment by 
Congress of a law that will compel every corporation engaged in 
inter state commerce to operate under a national charter that 
shall be abrogated whenever such corporation violates its pro\-i 
sion. (5) The creation of an inter-statc commerce court with 
exclusive jurisdiction in all cases ari.sing out of the violation of 
interstate commerce laws. (6) Revision of the constitution of the 
United States. 

PROF. CLARKS REMEDY. "Railroads have the power to 
handicap the potential competition, and it is an open secret that 
they are doing it. Piscrimiiiathr rales for carrying freight are 
an intolcraljle evil, and they tend distinctly to build up real mo- 
nopolies. If legal acuteness backed by popular energy can secure 
it, this evil must be suppressed. 

" There is another type of law that is of even greater conse- 
quence than any that isWfore the public. The ability to make 
discriminating; prices puts a terrible power in the hands of a trust. 
If in my small field it can sell goods at prices that are beluw the 
cost of 'making them, while it sustain.s itself by charging higher 
prices in a score of other fields, it can crush me witlviut itself 
su.staining any injury. It, on the other hand, it were obliged, in 
order to attack tne, to lower the i>rice of all its goods wherever 



EVILS OF MONOPOLY. 393 

tkey might be sold, it would be in danger of ruining itself in the 
parsuit of its hostile object. 

'Many a small competitor is in a position to beat a trust in 
a contest of cut-throat competition, if only the trust were com- 
pelled to make its low prices uniform for all customers. 

"Akin to the power to make prices low in one place and high 
in many others is the power to reduce the [)rice of one grade or 
variety of goods, and to sustain them on other varieties. My mill 
may make only one speciaUzed product, and the mills of the trust 
may make that kind of goods and twenty others. If it is willing 
to lose money for a time on the goods that I ]3roduce, and to 
raake money on all other kinds, it can ruin me if it will. 

".■\kin to these resources for predatory warfare is the power 
to boycott customers who will not give their whole patronage to 
the trust, or to make special rebates to those wholesale or retail 
merchants who will refuse to buy any goods from independent 
producers. Such producers may find most markets closed against 
their goods, however cheap and excellent they may be. 

" Predatory competition that is evil and that crushes produ- 
cers who have a right to survive rests mainly in one of these three 
methods of discriminating and unfair treatment of customers. 
That power must be destroyed. With a fair field and no favor the 
independent producer is the protector of the public and the wage- 
earner; but with an unfair field and much favor he is the first 
and most unfortunate victim. Save him and you save the great 
interests of the public. Vou can do this if you find or make a 
way to success in that type of legislation that will prevent the 
single evil, discrimination in the treatment of customers. Put 
them all under what in diplomacy would be called a most fa- 
vored nation clause. Secure to all of them the benefit of the best 
treatment that the trust gives to any of its customers, and you 
may forego all other attempts to regulate their charges. It will 
keep prices and wages at or near their natural levels and that, 
too, without sacrificing the prosperity that a high organization of 
industrv' insures." 




394 SHALL THE GOVERNMENT OWN THE RAILROADS? 




The Effects of Monopoly. 

Shall the Government Own the Rail= 

roads? 

1. This question is coiisidcrab'y agitated and various 
opinions are held, and there are many strong points on both 
sides. 

2. Agitation for Government Ownership. — The agita- 
tation for government ownership for railroads has always 
been, in this country, more active and general. The demand 
has recently been repeatedly made by the national state 
conventions of the Populist party. There are mnv repre- 
senting that party in Congress thirteen senators and repre- 
sentatives. There are many peojde also outside of this 
organization that would like to see the government own and 
control all the railroads of the country. 

3. A Surprising Fact. It is a surprising fact that in 
most cnunlrics of the world that states own and operate 
their own railroads. Great Britain, United States and 
Spain, Switzerland and Turkey are the only countries where 
railroads are not owned and operated by the government. 
Railroads in all the other countries are owned, controlled 
and operated by the government. In countries where the 
government owns the railroads, it is claimed they have not as 
good accommodations for the public as where they are 
owned by private corporations, as government ownership 
destroys all competition. In answer to this we say that 
our mail system is the best in the world, and it is entirely 
beyond competition, as it is exclusively a government enter- 
prise. 



SHALL THE GOVERNMENT OWN THE RAILROADS? 395 

4. Private Enterprises. — It is admitted on all hands 
that railroads are not purely private enterprises. The com- 

fianies which own them have received valuable privileges 
rom the public — the right to buy land whether the owner 
did or did not wish to sell, the right to cross highways, and 
a certain monopoly of the public travel. States, counties 
and cities have burdened themselves with debt in order to 
provide themselves with railroad comnmnication. 

5. Great Britain. -Great Britain differs from its own 
colonies in this regard, for in nearly all of the British de- 
pendencies the governments own the railways. But in every 
country — even in England and the United States, where 
the railroads are freest from public control — is the principle 
fully admitted that the government may decide what is for 
the interest of the public, and may require the railroad cor- 
porations to conform thereto. 




The Great Tunnel. 



6. How Much Control? — Since, then, government may, 
must and docs assume somo control of the railways, the 
only question left is, How much control? When our legis- 
lators come to answer this question they are confronted 
with the fact thiit they cannot, if thev would, do what the 
lawmakers of France or Germany do. 



396 RIGHT OF GOVERNMENT TO CONTROL RAILWAYS. 

7. Confusion to Our Home Commerce. — It is agreed 
that only confusior, would result to our home commerce 
from the ownership of the railroads by the separate states. 
Has Congress power to buy them up? If it has the power 
could the government safely assume the cost of purchasing 
them? They were capitalized at the latest estimate at over 
ten billions of dollars. 

8. Individual Enterprise. — It is urged by the advocates 
of private ownership that this system not only is the sole 
system that is adapted to our political and social principles, 
which leave individual enterprise as free as possible from 
government control, but that it has, both in the United 
States and England, resulted in a more convenient, ample, 
cheap and expeditious service of the public than is usual 
in countries where railroads are owned or operated by the 
state. 

9. Competition.— They urge that those who have to 
compete for the business of the people will, from self- 
interest, do all they can to serve the people well, and they 
maintain that pooling arrangement and trusts which might 
neutralize this competition are already prevented by legis- 
lation, even to the extent of making their business unprofit- 
able. They also urge the great political danger of adding 
the vast army of railway employes, who numbered eight 
hundred and seventy-three thousand in 1893, to the civil 
service of the government. 

These are the two sides of the question. It is a very 
large question, incapable of settlement in any brief or sum- 
mary way; it involves re great number of practical and com- 
mercial considerations, as well as considerations of govern- 
ment and statesmanship. 



Right of Government to Control 
Railways. 

1. The Constitution.— When the Constitution gave to 
Congress the exclusive power of regulating commerce 
between the states, the stage-coach, the road-wagon and 
water-craft were the only vehicles used in carrying on traffic 
between the citizens of one state and those of another. ^ 

2. First Assertion of Authority. — Many years after 
railways liad replaced the stage-coach the government 
began its first assertion of authority over these steam high- 



RIGHT OF GOVERNMENT TO CONTROL RAILWAYS. 397 

ways. That assumption of authority was made necessary 
by the wide development of the railway postal service, and 
also by the use of some of the railways as military highways. 
These were roads which had received land grants ana other 
government aid. 

3. Examples of the Extension of the Power. — Our 
national history is full of examples of the extension of the 
power of the general government in ways which the framers 
of the Constitution could not have foreseen. Robert Fulton's 
assumption of the monopoly of the Hudson river for his 
steamboats was followed by the decision of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, giving to the government exclu- 
sive control of all navigable waters. Thus it was that our 
great rivers and lakes became free water highways, subject 
only to the laws of the United States. 

4. Discriminating Taxes, — The refusal of a commercial 
traveler to pay a license demanded by the authorities of 
one of the southern citiesbrought forth after long litigation, 
an opinion from the Supreme Court which put an end to all 
attempts by the citizens of one state to make discriminating 
taxes against those of another state. 

5. Authority Enlarged. — In many other cases decided 
by the Supreme Court the authority of the nation has been 
seemingly enlarged, although the judges have frequently 
asserted that there is no power in the courts to enlarge the 
powers of the government. The Supreme Court can only 
determine with precision those powers. 

6. Pullman Strike, — It is under decisions of the United 
States judges that the government in the Pullman strike 
asserted its authority to call out Federal troops thereby to 
prevent interruptions to the commerce between the states, 
which is carried on mainly by the railway companies. 

7. Powers of the Constitution, — Of course the powers 
of the Constitution could have had no specific purpose of 
giving the government such authority, since the first steam 
railway was not operated in the United States until nearly 
forty years after the Constitution was adopted. But the 
authority is a necessary one for the supreme government to 
exercise in the interest of the people, and it is inferred log- 
ically from the language of the Constitution. 

8. Right to Control Railways, — The assertion of a 
right to control railways, which was the justification 
of the Interstate Commerce act, carries with it the 
idea that such lines of communication are essential to 
the public convenience, and, therefore, implies a duty 
to protect the roads themselves, if not the corporations 
which own them. 



398 KIGHT OF GOVERNMENT TO CONTROL RAIEWAV;. 

9. Treason. — Hence, the intimation by the President is 
well sustained, that those who so obstruct railways as to 
paralyze commerce between the states, are public enemies. 
And the short name of the offense of citizens who become 
public enemies is treason. 

10. Civil Service. — The central authority now has con- 
trol over more than KXI.OOO employes in the civil service. 
To increase that number by adding nearly a million ser- 
vants mif^ht correct evils in railway mana^^ement at the 
expense of the government itself. Moreover, if the govern- 
ment took charge of the railways it would hereby be com- 
pelled to bring the telegraph and express service under its 
control. That is a consummation which some men earnestly 
desire, but it is also one to which many far-seeing men look 
forward with sincere and deep solicitude. 







''.:^ -^W%^^^^ 



'i 
7. r 



HON. THOS. F. BAYARD, 
Ambassador to England under Cleveland. 



THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTECTION. 



3y9 




Revenue Collector's Office. 

The Principles of Protection. 

Protection. i:i relation to the industries of a country (in 
which sense the word is generally used), means the preven- 
tion of ruinous foreign competition. This may be accom- 
plished (1) by absolutely prohibitmg the importation of cer- 
tain articles; (2) by levying a duty on them that is practi- 
cally prohibitive; (.T) by granting premiums on certain ex- 
ports; (4) by granting drawbacks, which are rebates of the 
whole, or nearly the whole, duty that has been paid on im- 
ported materials when these have been manufactured at 
home and exported; or (5) by soarrangmg the rates of duty 
on importations as to make their cost to the consumer equal 
to or greater than the C()=t of similar domestic products. 
The first three methods are not relied upon in this country 
for purposes of protection, while the last two have been and 
are still extensively used The last method is the more 



400 THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTECTION. 

prominent, and around it the arguments for and against 
protection group themselves. The reasoning of the protec- 
tionists is long and complicated. A few of their more im- 
eortant propositions may be briefly stated, as follows: the 
United States as a nation is bound to secure advantages for 
its own citizens before regarding other countries; protective 
duties compel foreigners to pay part of our taxes; without 
protection we should become chietly an agricultural coun- 
try, and such countries are comparatively poor and weak; 
diversified industries are called into being or strengthened 
by a piotective tariff, and these are valuable to a nation in 
time of peace and necessary in time of war; the destruc- 
tions of protection would mean that the labor of this country 
would have to compete with the cheaper labor (usually called 
"pauper labor") abroad; wages would fall, and the Amer- 
ican laborer would be reduced to the low level of life com- 
mon to laborers abroad; the investment of capital at home 
is encouragetl by protection, and on this the working classes 
depend; even if protection were a questionable policy to 
inaugurate, now that it is established in thiscoun try it should 
be continued, for the sake of justice to invested capital and 
to prevent the financial disasters that would result from a 
revolution in our industries. To the arguments of the free- 
traders they reply that governments have very generally 
found it necessary or advisable to regulate to some extent 
thetrade of their citizens or subjects; that protection benefits 
the whole nation, not merely a part, by keeping \ip the price 
of labor; that no free-trade argument can be drawn from 
inter-state commerce, since the localizing of industries can 
do no harm when all the localities are parts of a single 
whole; that competition between home industries will keep 
prices down to a fair point. Since the Civil war the Repub- 
lican party had been practically a unit in supporting a pro- 
tective tariff. Before that period members or both parties 
were found on each side of the line. The tariff has never 
been the main issue in a jiresidential election, though in 
1880 and 1884 the Republicans strove to increase its impor- 
tance. 




THE PRINCIPLES OF FREE TRADE. 



401 



^^ 



^ .. jy .... ■■ ■ , f^ 




A Political Gatherinfj Listening to Tariff Speeches. 



The Principles of Free Trade. 

Free trade is the doctrine of political economy main- 
tained by those who hold that trade should be unrestricted 
by governmental regulations or interference. The term is 
generally used with reference to governmental exactions on 
importations. Theoretically free traders hold that our 
commerce with other nations should be as unrestricted as 
commerce between the various states of the Union, but 
practically they admit that duties on imports are a conven- 
ient way of raising a revenue; so that as the term is gener- 
ally used in this country, a free trader is one who believes 
in so regulating the tariff as to raise the necessary revenue 
with the least restrictions on foreign commerce and with 



402 THE PRINCIPLES OF FRF.E TRADE. 

absolutely no attempt to protect home industries. He be 
lieves strictly in a tariff for revenue only, or a fiscal tariff, 
as it is sometimes called. A brief outline cf some of the 
most important propositions on which. the free trade argu- 
ment rjsts may be given as follows: Every man has a 
natural right to buy m the cheapest market and to sell in 
the dearest; all attempts to check this right on the 
part of the government result, sooner or later, in an 
artificial commercial condition and consequent finan- 
cial disaster; labor, production, manufacture and com- 
merce, being governed by natural laws, will regulate 
themselves best if not interfered with; a nation should 
devote itself to industries which are natural to it; to 
attempt to force others to growth is an artificial stimulus 
and a waste of energy; if other nations can produce articles 
cheaper than we can', it is an unnecessary national extrava- 
gance to waste, in maknig themathome.strength that could 
more profitably be devoted to other pursuits. Protection 
laenefits only a minority of the nation at the expense of the 
large majority. The advantages which have resulted from 
free trade between the several states of the Union prove 
that similar advantages would follow from free trade with 
foreign nations. In answer to s. me of the arguments of the 
protectionists, free traders say that it is ridiculous and un- 
true to insist that protective duties compel foreigners to 
pay part of our taxes; that diversified industries are proven 
by history not to be necessary for a nation, since with 
wealth all things can be i>urchased in these days, and the 
nati(;nwill gain wealth more rapidly if it devotes i. self to 
natural pursuits and avoids wasting its energy in unnatural 
ones; that high wages in the United .States are due to oui" 
natural advantages, not to protcciion; that, in any case, 
with free trade the workman's necessaries would cost nmch 
less and hiswages would go as far as before; that it is unjust 
to tax the whole country to pay large profits on invested 
capital which could be equally well employed in other chan- 
nels. A large majority of the Democratic partv are free 
traders in the sense in which the term is usetl here--of 
favoring a tariff for revenue only, but a ininority, powerful 
in intiuence if not in numbers, are protectionists. 



ii 



HISTORY OF AMERICAN TARIFFS. 403 

The Complete History of American 

Tariffs. 

1. Two Classifications.— Tariffs are divided into two 
classifications: Revenue Tariffs and Protective Tariffs. 

Each of them are a tax on the manufacture or produc- 
tion from the soil of articles of consumption or use; the 
former being for the benefit of the state and the latter for 
the benefit of the manufacturer to a limited extent, at least 
incidentally. 

Previous to the American revolution nearly every kind 
of manufactrring carried on in the colonies was subjected 
to duties paid to the crown for such privileges, or, if ille- 
gally done, to fines and penalties. 

2. Our Tariff Legislation Slightly Modified.— These 
conditions were only introductory to the subject. Our tariff 
legislation began in 17!59, at the time when we were exchang- 
ing our form of government from the slip-shod form of a 
confederacy, if the expression is admittable, to that of a 
centralized power to subordinate the whole on all issues 
that affected the whole by the adoption of a constitution 
alike binding on all; then it was that a tariff act was passed 
by Congress bearing date of July 4, 1789, the object of which 
was stated by Congress to be for the encouragement and 
benefit of manufacturers, although it was barely sufficient 
for revenue only. 

It was slightly modified August 10, 1790. For two fiscal 
years, ending September SO, its percentage on all importa- 
tions averaged 15.34. ]\lay 2, 1792, another bill was passed 
which reduced this rate to 13.44 for the next three years. 
Revenue only had thus far been the result, but protection 
began now to be considered, to accomplish this the next 
change was made March 3, 1797, which increased the rates 
to an average of 18.43 for the next three years. May 13, 
1800, another tariff bill was passed, increasing them to 21.30 
for the next four years. The next tariff bill was passed 
March 2G, 1804, raising the rates also as to average 23.62 for 
the next eight years. 

3. Retributive Measure. — This brings us near to the war 
of 1812, when Congress demanded an increase in the rates 
of the tariff, as a retributive measure, to offset English 
restrictions on the laws of trade, but these laws were not 
made to injure America, but to retaliate on Napoleon for his 
decrees of Berlin, though they affected America as much as 
France, and caused much popular indignaticn against 
Eneland. 



404 HISTORV OF AMERICAN TARIFFS. 

4. New TariffBill. — These, added to the resentful feel- 
ings against England for the impressment of American sea- 
men into the British service, were the real incentive to 
increasing the tariff rates at that time more than any- 
economic necessity, and so strong was this feeling that the 
extreme RepubHcans advocated a tariff law which should 
claim higher duties on English importations than upon 
those from other countries, but this radical measure was 
voted down by the Federalists and a few moderate Repub- 
licans, and the new tariff bill was passed without any partial 
discrimination. It bore date of July 1, 1812, seventeen days 
before the war was declared. It raised the duties for the 
next four years so as to average 30.18 per cent. 

5. The Effect of the War.^The rate would have aver- 
aged higher but for the fact that the effect of the war had 
been to change the importations to a class of goods on 
which .ow tariff rates had been laid. Previous to this date 
the percentage on importations has been given on both 
dutiable and free goods fcr the reason that tlie government 
statistics have not given the two kinds separately. Prob- 
?bly the average might be about two per cent, less could it 
have been made on dutiable goods only. A very slight 
change might also have been made, from the fact that the 
terminations of fiscal years, for which calculations had beec 
made, did not always correspond with dates of new 
tariffs, but this could not change the gross average ^ut a 
fraction. 

6. The Beginning of the Real Tariff Issue. — The war 
cam** ♦o an end in 1814. and could no longer be brought into 
requisition to affect the tariff, and at this time began an 
issue that has ever since been a prolilic source of agitation 
on jarring interests to which political partisanship has been 
tenaciously allied, whether from patriotic mo.ives or for 
party preferences, may be considered a matter of opinion. 

During the Napoleonic waisthe manufacturing interests 
v{ America had assumed unexiRCtcdiy large proportions, 
owing to the restrictive laws of Congress, such as the 
Embargo Act of 1807, which interdicted all trade with Eng- 
land, and although the measure caused much stringency in 
business as well as agricultural interests, it stimulated 
manufacturing as a matter of necessity, as it cut off all 
importation during the nineteen months in which it lasted 
before it was repealed. As might be expected, increased 
manufacturing created advocates for mcreased duties 
for pnjtectiou of infant industries, a term then muoh 
Quoted. 



HISTOKY OK AMERICAN TARIFFS. 405 

7. For Revenue Only.— At this particular epoch ia 
American finance, the south had not formulated their 
policy but Mr. Calhoun, whose influence was potent, soon 
took the matter into consideration and became their expo- 
nent At first he joined hands with the New England tariff 
men and favored increased duties on cotton goods under 
the impression that it would raise the price of the raw 
material, cotton, which was then the principal staple of the 
south, and the tariff bill of April '27, 1816, was the result. 
It materially raised the rates on cotton goods but lowered 
them on others, with a result, that in the next eight years 
the ad valorem rates on all importations averaged about 
the same as those of the four years previous. Until the 
tariff of 1816, revenue only had been tbe object and protec- 
tion incidental to it, but this had transposed these condi- 
tions and fairly committed the government to the new 
policy. 

8. Tariff Bill of. 1824. — Henry Clay was then a rising 
power in political ciicles and chiefly through his influence 
a new tariff bill passed May 22, 1824, increasing duties still 
more than the last. The opposition against this bill was 
very strong, and it was only by a bare majority that it became 
a law. Under it the average rate on dutiable goods for the 
next four years was 50.84 per cent. May 19, 1828, another 
bill passed whose changes produced the following results: 
for 1828, 47.59 per cent.; for 1829, 54.18 per cent.; for 1830, 
61.69 per cent., each, average rate on all dutiable goods. 

9. South Carolina Nullification. — This tariff reached 
the limit of Southern endurance, and Calhoun now became 
outspoken as an anti-tariff man, and the South Carolina 
nullification grew out of it, by which President Jackson 
gained a reputation for loyalty to the Constitution and Cal- 
houn a reputation for a vindicator of the right. The hostile 
ieeling that grew up between these two distinguished Dem- 
ocrats on this issue never was placated, but Henry Clay, 
the great compromiser, came to the rescue the next year, 
and by his influence secured the passage of a bill by which 
the tariff should be graduated down to an averge of 20 per 
cent, on all dutiable goods after 1842. 

10. The Extreme Limit Never Reached. — This extreme 
limit never was quite reached, owing to the panicky times 
that resulted from the hybrid bank legislation of 1836 and 
1837, by which neither metallic currency nor sound paper 
currency was established. But the "American System," as 
protection was called, was broken up, and a tariff for rev^ 
enue only was substantially the law until 1861. From 1857 
to this date the rates on dutiable goods had averaged but 
20.55 per cent. 



406 



HISTORY OF AMERICAN TAKIFFS. 




LUXURY. 

The Right Principles of Taxation.— Tax the Luxuries 

and Admit the Necessaries Free. 

11. Tariff Acts of 1846 and 1857. — "^^^^ country vra.s 
satisfied with the tanlY acts of this period and this mod- 
erate tariff was at least one of tlie elements that contributed 
to the tjeneral welfare. 

12. The Morrill Bill.— In 1861 the Morrill Tariff Act 
began a change toward a higher range of duties and a 
stronger application of protection. The Civil War made 
additional revenue necessary. The exigency of the times 
made it cosy to cany through Congress measures for in- 
creasing tariff. Protection ran riot. Every domestic pro- 
ducer who came before Congress got what he wanted in 
the way of duties. 

13. After the War.— .After the war Congress set to 
work at re[)ealmg and modifying the internal tax system, 
but failed to make a reduction of import duties. High pro- 
tection seemed to carry the day and no material change 
was made. 



MCKINLEY TARlFi.-* AND WILSON LAW. -iOT 

14. The Financial Situation. — The connection between 
lariff legislation and the state of the revenue is very dis- 
tinctly seen in our history. In 1847 an empty treasury was 
followed by high tariff legislation. In 1857 an overflowing 
Treasury caused a reduction. In 1864 money was needed 
and there was an increase in the tariff. In 1872 the redun- 
dant revenue brought about a reduction. The financial sit- 
uation has largely controlled the tariff rates up to the 
present. 



The Difference Between the flcKinlejr 
Tariff and the Wilson Law. 

The List Congress, elected in 1888, which came in with 
»he Harrison administration March 4, 1889, had, in the 
House of Representatives, 173 Republicans, 156 Democrats 
snd 1 Independent. This was the Congress that passed the 
McKinley bill. It was elected on the pledge of the Repub- 
licans, in their press and on the stump, that they would 
reform the tariff, upon the claim that that system should be 
corrected by its friends rather than by its enemies. The 
McKinley law, the highest protective tariff measure the 
rcuntry ever had, was the way the Republicans kept thei/ 
] romiscs of reform to the people. 

The Llld Congress was elected in 1890. and the people 
fhowed their appreciation of the way the Republicans had 
kept their promises regarding tariff reform by electing a 
House of Representatives that stood 88 Republicans, 235 
Democrats and 'J Alliance. To emphasize the popular wish 
for reform of the tariff Mr. Cleveland was elected President 
in 1892, and the lower house rf Congress elected at the same 
lime stood 129 Republicans, 216 Democrats, 8 Alliance or 
Populists, with two vancancies. There has been since 1889 
no abatement in the popular wish for an improvement in 
a substantial reduction of the tariff, and the demand is 
as strong to-day as it was in 18S9 for a radical departure 
horn war taxation and the Morrill law of 1861. While this 
is true it does not indicate any disposition on the part of the 
people to adopt the free-trade notions of Great Britain, but 
3t is a protest against the enormous taxation of tne many 
for the benefit of the few. 

The New Tariff. — As a result of the persistent effort of 
the people, the Wilson tariff was passed. 



408 



MCKINLEY TARIFF AND WILSON LAW. 



Cleveland's Second Term, 1803-1897. — When President 
Cleveland again came into office, he found both the Senate 
and the House in harmony with his views. It now became 
the duty of the Democratic administration to revise the 
tariff laws. After much discussion, Congress passed a law 




THE HON. W. L. WILSON. 
Author of the Wilson Tariff Law. 



known as the Wilson Bill. This law did not meet the ex- 
pectations of a large number of the party, but it was the 
best they could agree upon. This law incorporated as one 
of its provisions, a ta.K on ail incomes above $5,000. The 
income ta.K is, according to Adam Smith, the most just of 
all forms of taxation ; but the law is unpopular in the 
United States. For ten years during and following the 
civil war, we had an income tax ; but as it was considered 
a war-measure, it did not meet with serious objection. Is 



TARIFF RATES COMPARED. 409 

an income tax a direct or an indirect tax? The Constitu- 
tion says, "Direct taxes shall be apportioned among the 
several states . . , according to their respective «W/^i^^r^," 
etc. A test case was brought before the U. S. Supreme 
Court, which decided that it was a direct tax, hence un- 
constitutional. As a result of this decision, the Wilson Bill 
did not produce sufficient revenues to meet the expenses of 
the government. By necessary gold purchases and by the 
shortage in revenues, the public debt, during Cleveland's 
administration, was largely increased. 



Tariff Rates Compared. 

Schedule. Cotton. Flax. Wool. Silk. 

Wilson bill per cent, ad valorem 41 32 41 46 

McKinley tariff 55 42 99 53 

Mills bill 33 25 40 50 

Tariff of 1883 35 31 67 45 

The sugar bounty was abolished, and a duty of 40 per 
cent, ad valorem imposed upon raw sugar, which before was 
free, while refined sugar pays one-eighth of a cent a pound 
and 40 per cent, against one-half a cent under the late 
tariff. Wool, raw hides and many other articles were duty 
free. 

Reciprocity. — The Wilson Law also repealed what was 
known as the "Reciprocity Section" of the McKinley 
Law, which had been intended especially to gain the trade 
of Central and South America for the United States. This 
section provided that "whenever and so often as the Presi- 
dent shall be satisfied that the government of any country 
producing and exporting sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and 
hides, raw or uncured, or any such articles, imposes duties 
or other exactions upon the agricultural or other products 
of the United States, which in view of the free introduc- 
tion of such sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides into the 
United States he may deem to be reciprocally unequal and 
unreasonable, he shall have the power, and it shall be his 
duty, to suspend by proclamation to that effect, the provis- 
ions of this act relating to the free introduction of such 
sugar, molasses, coffee, tea and hides, the production of 
such country for such time as he shall deem just, and in 
such case and c'urins such suspension duties shall be levied. 



410 TARTFF RATES COMPARED. 

collected and paid upon sugar, molasses, coffee, tea ani 
hides, the product of, or exported from such designate-1 
country as follows," etc. 

Under This Provision of the McKinley Law, reci- 
procity treaties had been negotiated with Spain, Brazil, 
Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, San Domingo, 
Germany, Austria-Hungary and Great Britain for Jamaica, 
British Guiana and her other West Indian colonies. The 
favorable effect of tlie treaty with Spain is best given in 
the language of the British consul-general at Havana, 
who is quoted as saying: "British trade with Cuba has also 
become a thing of the past; and under the recent reci- 
procity treaty the United States of America practically 
supplied all the wants of the island and receives all its 
produce. The effect has been to throw nearly the entire 
Cuban trade into the hands of the United States traders, 
with whom importers of goods from less favored nation a 
cannot compete, having to pay by terms of such treaty 
higher import duiies." 

Under the Wilson Law Spain at once abrogated the 
treaty, Brazil soon afterwards gave three months' notice en 
abrogation, and all the treaties based on reciprocity havi 
termmated. 'Ihe effect was detrimental to thecommer:.' 
of the United States. 



Tariff Commission League. 

Such a league is being endorsed by boards of trade, 
chambers of commerce, and similar commercial organiza- 
tions all over the countrv. The objects of this league are 
very well set forth in the following statement, signed by 
everv one on becoming a member of the organization: 

Thereby agree to unite with a body nf busincbS riien to 
organize "The Tariff Commission League," the object ot 
which shall be to promote a movement in favor of a consti- 
tutional amendment that will place our country on a per- 
manent protective tariff basis, take the Cjuestion of "tariff' 
out of the arena of politics, and place it in the hands ff i 
permanent commission that shall be composed of busuioss 
men who shall ecpialiy represent capital, labor and the 
farmer. 

The first national convention of this organization was 
held in Detroit, June, 1>96. It would seem tliat the object 
i,nd work of this organization should commend itself to ai" 
truly American citizens. 



MCKINLEY, WILSON AND DINGLEY TARIFFS. 411 



t 



E 

H 

O 

o 

s 

O 

n 

z 

H 
(>. 

(K 
M 

Q 

a 

H 

c 

m 

li< 

M 

<: 
H 
>< 
u 

c 

p 

Q 

< 

?! 
O 

n 



•sS 

S to 

a 3> 
— (D 

a: I — I 
OD 0) 

gel 

(is 

a 3) 

II 

c • 

<M HI 

a, £ 
^^ 

o-^ 



M 

o 

S 
H 

o 

M 

o 

tc 

m 
» 



<D 




n 


<B 
ID 


p 


3 


a 


— * 

El 






o 


01 


!9 


tc 


u 


tfj 


a 


,0 


a 


s 


j3 


a 



-a-a 

U CO 

® s 






3 • o* • i a - ? 

5 O r" rT „B O o o O O O 



03 cd 

>■ >- 
cd a 

■a" 



■i 



O 0) 

" a 

p,ft 
o o o 

lO O O C^l CvJ cc c 
•**< coco ^ C^] CO c 



<u 



a: 



a 

u 



S3 

■a- 






Oj 



-a 

0) 
ITT— < 

T- ca 

+ ''- 

UTS' 
tKICO 



ox;-=.. 



05 ® 

s a 



S Eh ki (^ p. " 

n, D IE '-'■4) 

aao a 



-t"-^-:© — cO-^iO»^ 






•3 



a 



^ ti u 

t^ ® t^ . . . ^ ' 

c a ® © © <D ® 

a r, a a> <£ o a 



1 

•a' 

a 

S *-' 

a 01 



-a 

0) 



- a) 






c^ O ir^ r- r, r^ O O O lO c: i.t i-'J O u^ O i.'S m O t^ i^ 






X2 a 






3 ©^ r1 a> 

O OJ O 6-< 01 

aaaaa 



3 . 

fH W 



03 
•'73 



|4 

a 



;oo 



03 
0^ oi 



• a 

• 01 

: t-- - - 

■ 0) 

•-; ■ a 

3! 



^ :*^ 



• a 
. u 

• 0> 



a 

■ 0) 

■ u 



C" o i^ 1^ ZJ 03 

CO cc cor: "T pT 
"3 r-: 



. o 



O 03 



■^ fci " 

^•2 sS 



C3 - = 

O S^ 0) t^ Ut ® 

a ® ^ a 



a 

O) 



5' 



0) 
Oh 






. 0-rJ. X 

• b-: car" 

03 " C3 

3 fl •;^ ? J 

u— S ^ 1, 

£ U Pi Q. ^ =2) 

c o ij 0. a 

r^ ir^ O — O O -•- L-5 o 
f^ !•■.*-« ■»!' CC ?■» ■^ CO 



0> 



fc^Hi; 



. © 
: jj . a 

3 • fci 

3-5.2 3 
03 ^rs o 

O © w 

a ^ K o 



x 
H 

o 

M 

H 
« o 



o : 

•^ • 

:,i>iS3 : 

afi: 



■ a o 

■oo 



•o o o > 
■. <E'd'3'0 



■ iC 3 3 

; o a cs a 



••^ o u o 

^ - "t; O © © © 






:-3=i 

Mco © 
i a a; 3 
■ oiti 



tx 



— o 

; c -" 
: o © 



•-e fc. 

: o"; 
: OS 



as 

J3 

3 g 3 b g'o 




3 3 3 3 



c D-s-g ^ ^it ? £ 5 g 3.2.Si^^-2^ § o o c-S c gs 33 3 s 3 



•gasB's?:^-^ 



412 



MCKINLEY, WILSON' AND DISGLEY TARIFFS. 





H — • 






• 






W 








K 






■3 










^ 




T3 >- - , . 


. 




l> 






^' c's 




"3 




"a S --3 






ce 








> 


CD 




a -eg 


g 


■0' 


s 

■4^ 


' 


• 


^ 


3 


•— « ^ r^ O — "^ 


C - r^ 






a 




C N - . - 






4, 


a * y, - - - Z^-^ ^ 


t-= ai; 


*j 


-'^T o" 


O) 




^ — , •« , 




.M 


O^ 




" u «- 1- 


u 


-^S:" 


u. 


. 


- Z^ i '- ^- 


. 


Z. 


1.' 


ce ~ Di - o 


t- 0. Ui o . 


o 


• '^ c,i; 


u- 


* 


- w u ^ t- u * 


• 


^ 


a 


o c c a o 


a 


« S 72 


c 




C. Jo 5 i 




^ 










&o & 







eorT!S oc.t 


c 


CJ 


-*.r 


« w If: M s= 


•^Lt 




cc c- (^ t^ 3; -* -• 








•3 




















► 




















•e 




















d 


















-J 

ce 
(► 

"OS 
(£ 


■s-a 




•d 












in 


^-' = - - 




► - - - 

1' 


• * 


« 
« 


r r J : : 2 J 


« 


• 


P 


.-8 


a 


d 




4J 

a 












0> 


,a ^ 


(S 


•«-> 


OJ 












o. 


:zjs 


o- - . - 


u 


0. - . 


. - 


- 




- 


• 



c 

N 

o 

-3 






:?; 



C 



C t- OJ 

CO.;:. 






ca 



c 
e. 

t ; 
U ' 

a 



555S3S 



•a 



: <B : 



CD 

c 
o 

■~l»- - - 2 

'^ * - - '^ 
. C - P 

t c * a 



IS 



1> 
0. 






©00 

CQKt -^ -^ ^ »0 



u si C oj 



(S 



ca 



^ 0000000 '"'■'v "^ ^ J: o E 



P B 

ci t 

o: I : o 

h I- 



OC 'n- ^ •* 55 t>. 
g Tf = 

c c"5 

c c "r 

00 ^ o 

irt c~ ^ «j --®_*« 



c 






=-1 

^1 



-t-tf 




» ■ a 
a 5 a 0) 



. o 

:g 



-c-=. 



If 



■ B C«» 






x X ^- ■" _ r r* 
•^*!- - = = C '' 



i o_^ - -f 



a £ E= 
.2 E-=l 



'•^ J S s 9 9 

' els a at^-u 

^00000 



c. — 

.i; a a 
■ tit^-a 



^7} £-■'; irs 



r:*^ c 3! 



■3 ^ 



a a a a 



= 55 



9 -^ -.^ 
-^ o c 



ao c c 



u t. t. £ 
r).— ■-•0 a: 
C jj I oi a 

^i=-^a 

c - c « a 
' o c c 

C 4^ AJ ■*,> .-> 

a c o o o 



5^r 





Baa 

■Xl> a 

a a a 
000 
■*-> ^ ■*,> 
000 
000 



o 

a 

o 
a 

<d 

TJ 

9 
3 

•3 



9> 



MCKINLKY, WILSON AND UUNGLEY TARIFFS. 



413 



C > 

©-* 
"So"! 
■9 " 



i'a 









s 


s-^- 






+ 


+ - 


01 


^9 







01 


TT 


0. 


. bi 




- <U 


o 


P. 


c 


O 


o 


o"^ 


^-^ 


o -- 


.— 1 


(MC» 



cd 
(» 

^i : : i 
IS.; : - : c3 



^- ' - - a 

<E- ' - - g 



a) 

?t »^ »^ »^ »^ 



a 



o 
Z 



N 
C 

u 



S! Z.-- 





^ 


rr^* 


> 


^ 


■z. 


s-g^ 




u-:"^ C8 




CO (- 


« . 


-2- -2 


2'3 


■M 




^■^ 


t.- ^ 


— " >-. 


O U 


t- ■a 


a a 


11 0, 


o o 


"o 




ii« 



<D 






■^ P - 

a! g-H 






'^P.g 






C H . - * • * * - 

,, P. 



l^-.»-*eC«05-1*-^^T-J'^^^HH — C3CC0 



u-i CI 

=^ a 

«^ 

So 






oo 







OOO OS 

■a' 
(« 

a 

. . . 0) 
* • - Uj 

fcl* 

01 

a 



•W«i«fe>^ 



a 

o 
•a 

(A M 

-1 a 
u« 

■*! o 



Q 


^"i 


s 


€^ 






i: 


& 


<D 


(1) 


3 


3 


p 


9 


o 


u 



• a ..... • 

: S N s N N N s . 

. S o o o c o =*> 

rt^ t: a;.- ;: c i;r3 
g S a— aaa-a 

"^as-a 5 o c c 5g« 

""tS ? - :e' «'-.0 !- £ 2 

^ (E 2 a — _;■- - .ij 3 



414 



MCKINLEY, WILSON ANQ DINGLEY TARIFFS. 



c 






■ a 

n o 

«) c 
Out ift 






a 






S-. . 

C'C 
1£ C 

I. o 

p. o 
o ^ 



C O' 






X px 



e b u 

— c a 



—in 



- c 



• <^ ?i tr: — 



♦«'•: c i 



a 

o 






1 



a 

S) 

u 






"3 C3 C 






A 

CCIM-* 



• L. O- - . , 

c u- ' - ' 

p. g 

o f* 

■--co-? — 



0/- 



c5 c a c a p"* 
r I- t- u u . t- a» 

if ~ - t 1 r C a 






o . 
C ■ 

?!= 
p = 

ec ~ 
K»-' 

c a 

« irt tT o o o o 



O 
O 






X a 






^j;. 
("I-: 



o o 






a; 

•a' 
a 



o 



o — 
c ~ 






"Nee 



^/^»iT»r^f^«> 



pit 

•1 a.- 1 



Sol 



-I- 



— a~ 



a 

9- 

a— 
o «; 
u~ 



— u ?.* 



u i: a. 

t3 i — O""" 



« s — — ® 

i mo Ih 

._r^ c a 

? 7 o ? '■ 






S p 



:a p5 
a a ao»g^ 

tn ir: ^ f/^ rJ — ^ <^c^ 



-c a 

C3 C 



at k 



X 1 -5 



• o 



t i S « 3 

h s -o . 

2 p c = ?< 

— ex "= c 



a 
e 

o 

X 

pr 



•t'OOCI.'l-i'-l. 



- ^- e * 1 

d S 5 « 



da: 



tot 
t» fr- t» t» 

COO 



x.i 

t p 

(£ a 

KX 



t.at 



<"C 



:s 



X 

"3 

X 

J- — . . 1- 
•o : • 

u P . • O 

= £ 

r-i; u a : z 
t .= c c r r 



p-3'^ 



1 1 sas c•3g- 
ll-l?a "^^ 
^iS^p^xi^ax 

r3 __ ■— t 
pi i5 t 

= f - t i« ^ X - 
p iar. a^ c g a = 

- 5 -"^ - a a '^ 
"C : - = - tf^ ..'3 

!r^ ? — •- 5 t rrf a 

'^.- r-»'^pa) 
§ ttv .Kg - 

C - : - C.tS"^ 3 

"-= - I £ - X fc; a 
-".cx>-- 

= pi^ = efe'"j?, 

'^!'«f-'xp;:^® 

'-' fc-^Pt-*^ 

^'^♦^^ Sip c-X*^ > « 
E ttX C £; .-u" "S 

S-^atx^JiJ-ria 

f-3 a X J"--?] ?£ 

droCf-rM--i'i 



§-^l§ 



.c > 



..pa arit,? t^ . 

t. 9 r^- ••" &'~'3 
fe^o a f ^ Q o-^~ 

— *j = ^^~ 5:1 o aTa 

^°r-Ej'^"'!xS 

■So»E..C£x a_0 

Q"a?;ifcx^^ 

E =•■". x^='3t3«d 
v-s -- Mty.- c^'' --- 

r— -* s p - „ T ^ a 

d .x::5x„-r.H-S 
"a a s SX t«>^ u ? 

t>£-<o-5,£x- -r »- 
ai^lcfe'Si^ 



MCKINLEY, WILSON AND DINGLE\ TARIFFS. 



415 



Ui 

{I Ht 

It-'-. - 

\\^^ ^' 

Q O S: a 
o ^ o^ 



T3 

It) 



^"^ 



■»i C 3,0 a. 



;:; xj: 
o a C 

O « 1.-^ O O If: ^ if^ i; ■^!£;3i=o=2 
rvi tfe c<i cc y; ot I*'-' rt x; — r: :c ^ "r-ec 



c o 

o. 



2 a 



I >J — T<] t£^ ■* 



b k. ^ 

aa*e 
!5z 





> 


a 

> 




r^ 


— 




;; 


n 






^-) 




o -:: 


o 




fc . *^- 


1^ 
31 


a "a 


• ^ £ * 




-5 ^"x 


cr. ", a . 


C^l 


>- c t- 


^ ,-U X a , 




01 S.O 


^^ I t- -" 


<i) 


ft a 


a : i 5/ 




a^« c 


as.aa 


i) 


= i"i5= 


o o o uo c 


^M 


C^l -* -T 


Oj 1.-5 to -r S 


•^ 



'1 



<fl ?; 

is, 



-a 



-a 



•^Sj 





p— 1 


(C 


© 




« - 


u 


a 


"^ - 








a 


i 


»r: ir 


^ 


I^ 


i:^ »r; 




cccci-* 


»-^ 


mmJ^ 






„ IS 

CO VJ fio 






-ii 



9= S 

------ t-'-t-i-t-'* 25- - 

® ffj i,- aj ft O 

a „aaa „a 






:13 ■ 
-a' 

CS 






ss 



'^ 



*- c t* 






a? 



a 



' 0) 

a._. 



JOOO 
; ^ -* »." ir: »n 






: d 



12 



: a 

S3 



' 03 33 



o 



• <— I X 






;'.a 



• ^ JZi Cw 



a 






a 



i^ 'r' a 

"" a " 



. ra -- lit — rj eOQO 



t> vT. o o o 



a a 






§g5 

- fc. t. t- 

® a, o 
_u aaft 



as 



^ to C^ C<1 ■— ■ CC go *^ t" ^» C 



3 _ 

ao, ^ 

"CO 



a 

T-<COt— Wi 



: <e s 

■ s®. 

W O D C 

1^ m o c 
Ocas 

n p ce s 

.'*^ c6 od" od" 

Hi 

•^ m tc 
I ® S 

Je£ 

c o o 



: 0) 



31 ; 

£ :;^ 

Bl!=3 
*■- ^ 

«-i a a 
a 3 - 

fcT tT fcT 

(U O £ 
El 3 3 

L^ ki ^ 

S0c!i:ll 



1 r : 

a . . 

c . . 

0^ :■■«■ 



Se£:H-25^ 



_-3 - 

a a d 



X a 

• u 

O - 

— . a3_s 
efl <c u 

^^"'^ 

2 § S 

S -2 

2 o o 

d M M 



t: 3 

0,33 

*^ 

~3 3 
3> d 

a s 

29 



_2_C .O .D-O 
C l! u tN ^' 

a aaa a 
c o a o o 

o ^ ^ ^ Q 
f; -t -.O »- Z 



_: a. a a 



d 

M 

a 
a 



o o 
o c 



t4 tfj en 'X v. 



w 3j — 



2 ^ 



OP d, 



-:3 
o o 
o c 



3 a a 



^■Sd . 

X o o o 

.-■--jcjot-ssax 
.adosajaoicc 



X S a 
as ® 3 

X! s a 

X (E - 

tit ad 
s =^ t.1 
a*' S 



:j3 



: a 



1' • u 

d'S > 

X a! „ 

o 5 ^ 
^ ^ 3 
3 ■='-1 

a a! ai^a 

a c t- o 

d d d o 

- ^ ^ 0^ X 

S a a d c 



j^j-:^s««^ 



■:i§i| 

• a"" 2 X §_ 
^— ■ a a a 

••5 a =2::: a 

. cj a r, a rt ii 
>.-r; a ;^ -J a 3 
CcM o o'S d S 
■3" . o . a S 2 

SJ 2 « fl So *" 
a 4j> a X ^.d ^ OS 

a a^_2^>2 '^•^ 



416 



MCKINLET, WILSON AND DTNGLEY TARIFFS. 



1. 



r 



§ . 

IS a c. 



a 



•a 

ce 






•^^ (L *^ 






> . 



o o in lo irt 



O --^ r. O O O O Q O r? "? 









O hi O, 






5 a « a 



-■ = -■ 5 -■ 2 . -^ *^' 



in lo irt o --^ rr o o o o o o -< ir; r^" o i.- ,7 o 3 



«- - u ^ t. <-- I- u: " 

U"" CUCUtiO* I- 

o a^^ao^aa ^ 
0000 *" 

»^ L— Lt Lt l^ l/t l^ O m -T" C iT? ( 



C . 
J) S^ 

>- -Zi (DC 

£ a aa 



l! 





. 


CJ ^ 


..-0 


■c^eg. 



—■10 >*: : 



-3 



•a 



"3 



a 






JfJO 



O ,;= =1 
«— • ^ X • 

e o g a 
I. " t, o 

C Ih 0. b . <-> , 

a i a c o c) a, 
„-„aa;ac.- 



a 

(E 

u 



ri* m o I." m c; c; r7 i^ ^^' 



sj a 

> c!^ 

CI ?; o * 

a; t, Cl 

'-' • aS * 

5=; <= o a" 
a ® ^ 

<M»^e>j</» 






a o 






c 



■§ 



£g 

fc.-; O »« i-*^ C 



«^ *< 



. g a . a d 

u c U U U . hi' ■ 

J.-: o irt L-> Q i"-: O i-r " >-" — ^ i^ r- Sr. G * 

»- cc c^i CJ ec e^i ^^ ^ g^ "— ^* t^ g^ *— ' c^c^^^ 



I 



a 
a 

o 
u. . 

U b 

& 0^ ^ o 

PiaSi a 

O OrJ'mmio 









jSiS.ft 



O hi 



a 



eg (t g aj ® 
jj a p a 0, a 



a 

ID 
O 
hi 

o 
a 

o 



-■ a 
c 

a'* 



i5 

a 
■s 

: a 

. c 

:a 
:e 

■ ^ * 

•£'0'=' u SK 
£ S I n = 
•Q b> X .a 

. . X a o O 

~:a = 3 = 






c c " 



73 

c 

CO 

r a *• a)*^ 
5 ~-- ^ i> a 



£g 
u« 
a. I- 

ai 

o 
cm 



•s 



o 
a 

<D 



a 



2e? 



X fl 

^t -xt£ g 
i.«--h ?,^J^ 

ai i as a?; 



a a o * " c '■". o ^ 



•a 

I ^ 



aSa 






a 



£ a 



" aS •^— -f 2 H f^ 5.-.S 



t. i ■" 

a . • bt o 

■<»t^ o t* n y 

- _' P U (8 >> 

0) 03 rt O o ^* 

fl a c a t,* a 



x' n* a g X O t^ 

a a 0. a :t:-><^ aaai-aaaceca) 
^KZO OOOCOOOPHPMaia.CHP4 




MCKINLEY, WILSON AND DINGLEY TARIFFS. 



41T 





J 




o 


w 


>: 


u 


Q. 


^ 


7) 


. — - 


3 






o 


a 


M 






• t4-l 






n 


s ^■^* 




O .j;^- 



•a 






-*■ — f^ n- 00 >- 



C O 

^ . f~' 

cj 3; a; 



in V o o c i.-^ o ii; 
cj >J^ ci cc :o "t c^j r * 






■3 



Si a 
-, » 

. o u 

a a® 

O .- S. 
£- ^ 

ti-i -f ■£) 



C8 



a) 

a'' 






© H ft 

a a u 

O O O >r: '^ id 
CI >i^ cr ^ ^^ 



CT3 




'2 


~Z 


:S "^ 




tS 


« 






i.a^ 


• a 


•- <iiSi is 




er ce 
per 
c per 


j: « 


a t, t< "• 




— ' o 


.n a g " u 




5 e «• 


o 


a«^«!5 


acB a 


NO OO " 


-K 


o:i"°'S 


i^iSiS 


«^ c^] ^J C3 c^i -^ 


(M03— 1 










w-S 


*a 


4J 


b. 


fl 


OJ 


OJ 


— 1 


0. 










t; 


£ 


on 


a 








«p 



"3 « 



CD 

At 

a$ a). 



0) cd 

d a 

fci ,(-."* ' 

OJ m a) 

au a 

Ori"COC 
— r-r j^. 






0! 

>: 

a 
01 a 



CS 

C3 
■*^ 

a 

o a 



ftg 

,^ ft 



•a 



a . 

=•3 



o 
o 
Kl 

. ft 

Xi u 

u a 

ftoo 01 . . 



0! 



o S 

ft o, 

O O O t> u,- 

00 c-.^. 



§1 

"O - 



•3 



a 



■ o 
• o 
; u 

^ J ft : J 

O «- OJ fcr Vi fc<. 

g<B c. c to;; 
^ag'aftft 



• C3 



: o 
•.Si 






a 

o 

— . tl* 

« 0) o 

a 0^ ft 



». ft 



a 

* S 
© ft 



© 
ft. 



Co 00 0(^^•/:r^^lfMf;oolf^oOr"!l;or"oooo 



c_; 

5,1, 

c c 

O 0; 

ft(- 



; o m © 
iaS a- 



a: 









o— < 

© a © a 
ftog 



a 
u 



a « J 
c 0. a 



■S 






Ix © 

o 



S| . 

O-g© Til m 

rfiO a (3 a 13 
^ .0 ©•"•a 
aS) S S i^*2 



a 
o 

tx 

o 



54 O „ 

o o a _• © -13 
.a ce CS ' 



. CL h 



-"-^^ 



aZ^. 



a 0. 






- © c y fcr rt 
5< ctf el's aD*i^ iK 

a a a cc © ©•— c 
K c: ci a oj;-a j; 



a 

•3 

d ^ 



^ ^ o 

tD^'O ^ CC o 

ci F t; S at; 

H V, d H 



J3,a,C^ 



t- M M M 

aaaa 



o o c 



ia'^ 



o — 



5 - S -4 M - . -^ 




-ot; s > 



o'i'Srta 

ft O -*' '■ 



CO 



"^ *^'^ ^ O ai ^ X fs -f^ ^ i^i C 



-3 

d 

3 

O 

_ u 

C3 dC 



:5i«.s.5.=.2i-££ 

— -^~^Mr~^ a a c c aa-t'w-^-i-'-*-'-*^-*^ a a 



pli x fn ?^ jd sw 



JMJ>!.: 



s> 

ft 
o 
u 

See J 



418 



MCKINLEY, WILSON AND DINGLEY TARIFFS. 






s: 
(► 
■3' 



*; . c t- -r -^ -r « • 



oi.-;irtO 






'-• • S • — ~ a 

Cirt C i i - o 



= a 







c; t-: O Lt 1.-: C C ~ ii-J XXC: — — - r-XXM 



o -. 



I 



cd 






-3 

>: : J : 

T3 






J^PSfl 






- P. 

= i 



e 

c 

N 

O 



d 

o 

=i 

ee 



2 00 



-a 



a 
c. . 



: 3 



&S::si^l^fai'gggg?!Ssgs sfiSgs§_ssMS£MM 



O. 



-3 



a 
a 
u 

s 

O C3 



a ^ a 

U* ' * « fci' 

o p, a> 



K o ►, a 

^^ '-'~ 00 _ 



-a 
a 
«! 

- c 

- C' 

g' 



a 

«-* . 

v, a 



-a 



c a 

C I- 



a 
e 

N 

o 



S 



4rt O >« >« O 
CV) « so C^l cc 



a 

o 

e . . . .0: 

O . . . . s 

-:a 

S c 2 w 3"« 

aa = a.'* • 
t: t u = u ^ 

c a «• es £ " 

c n^ a „ a^r 



:3i55g22 



53S|S54i^^IM 






o o 



aSS' 

_ . fc- P u ■ 

» h * t; ■ 

» ■§ 6 Q 
* o o c 
■^ " c? o 

S (■ 



2 a 



t o 






, ^^ cQ CO cd 

--" c o c 
HHHc 



Bh 



: s * - 
I £ a K 

' U ££ tC 

■ 3 a a 

ifs.i, 

: t« u u 



cS 
o 

— < ts O's a a ' 

5£M.2 g ? £ 3 

■533 



a a— 'j;- 



■ C' 



; r a "" 



5c 

_ i-x-i 

5 = 9^:: 



XJSXX 



aa 






- o - 



aaaaa 
u c u u w 

V ~° C C O ^ 

= . > 

Z = = 00 o 



5 =! 
x E 



i.Xv:x ~ u u o c K 






a c ^x c i L 
u b o - o a 1 



o o_a g^ 



■Is 5 :2'« --^ 

XXX X ^ = T 5 

eaaajcBi 
s ;^ 6£ o - * - c 

.aaa.E -■=£ J 
= = a ~.S 5 «^ "^ 
5 = ==-0;- - 

xxxr '^r'-> 



:-f ? s ^- r, > 






^ T r T X X _ 



— ■/. = = a a 

a • — *- -^ *j 

• C - s 3 B a 

fe-J" c a = a 

i_ . :; i S a! 

= EEESS 

a a a a a 



, -"C" t t r 



^isi 



»>>>>>>>>>> 



--itiOO» 



§ S X 92g 



34 




< 

CQ 

E 
H 

O 

2: 

D 

a: 



1 ^= 


i 


; ^ 


F ■ 


^■^ 


. 


^ 




r' 


^ 







419 



420 iUSTORV OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 

A Complete History of the Financial 
Panics in the United States. 

1. Financial Disturbances. — Financial disturbances in 
any country are governed by the simple laws of cause and 
effect, and are by no means peculiar to the United States. 
A glance at the history of England or France, for example, 
■vr'Al reveal the fact that these disturbances, sufficiently 
marked to be called panics, have occurred at somewhat 
regular intervals and, as in this country, have followed 
periods of speculation and of abnormally inflated values. 
That panics have been more common in our own countrv, 
however, than in the (^Id World is true and not at all strange, 
■when it is considered that we are comparatively a new 
country, scarcely mure than a hundred years old since a 
stable government was formed, and subject to the experi- 
ments and diverse schemes of a republican government of 
the people by the people. During the first 50 years of 
our history the expermicntal stage was of course more 
marked, and it now may be truthfully said that we as a 
people are better equipped by reason of our abundant and 
■\aried resources and by reason of commanding ability on 
the part of our financiers than almost any country in the 
world. History shows that, however sound the monetary 
system of a country may be and however carefully the 
government may provide for an adequate revenue and a 
stable currency, panics as a matter of fact recur at tolerably 
regular periods. In this country these financial disturbances 
have occurred on an average about once in 10 years, vary- 
ing in duration from one to three years. 

2. Over-Trading. To briefly trace the history of these 
panics from the beginning of our national life to the pres- 
ent day is the object of this chapter. By way of preliminary 
observation it may be stated in general terms that panics 
affecting th_ entire business of our country have been usu- 
ally due to one of two causes, viz.: first, over-trading, call- 
ing for an excess of either manufactured or imported prod- 
ucts and consequent inflation of the currency used in this 
over-trading; or, second, to marked changes in the tariff 
regulations tending to unsettle manufacturing and with it 
the buying and selling interests of the community for such 
length of time as may lie necessary to bring about an ad- 
justment of business to the changed tariff regulations. 
With two or three noted exceptions, the last of which had 
its beginning in 1893, the depressions caused by tariff 
cliaiiges have not, however, been so marked in tnis counttf 



HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 42i 

as from the first cause above named. For instance, from 
1814 to 18'J3 there have occurred at least ten distinct panics 
at more or less regular intervals concurrent in the United 
States, in England, and in France, all of which were due to 
inflation or what we conveniently call " booming " or over- 
trading. 

3. "The Panic of 1814-15. — During the first year of the 
Revolutionary War, Congress authorized the issue of "con- 
tinental currency" or paper money to the extent of $3,000,- 
000 for the purpose of carrying on the war, which 
amount was increased in three years to §160,000,000 and by 
1780 had reached the large amount of $359,000,000. Depre- 
ciation in the face value of the currency gradually took 
place until in 1779 Congress undertook to decree that it 
should be taken at its face value, but as in 1780 government 
ceased to take it for custom dues it rapidly went down, until 
in 1781 it was practically worthless. This state of affairs 
led Congress during the latter year to form the Bank of 
North America on a plan formulated by United States 
Treasurer Morris. The capital was fixed at §10,000,000. 
The bank, hampered from the first by the large loans re- 
quired by the government, w-as not a success, and having an 
madequate capital continued to increase its note circula- 
tion during the succeeding seven or eight years until the 
people finally refused to take its issues at par or anywhere 
near it. Hard money was in general demand, causing a. 
hoarding of the precious metals and consequent stagnation 
of business and an era of general bankruptcy followed. In. 
1790, Alexander Hamilton, the Secretary of the Treasury of 
the United States, came forward with a proposition for the 
founding of a National Bank which Congress duly authtsr- 
ized, and in 1794 it commenced business as the "Bank of 
the United States." It had a capital of §10,000,000, one- 
fifth of which was subscribed by the government and the 
other three-fifths by private individuals. Two of the latter 
§8,000,000 were to be paid in metallic money and §6,000,000 in 
6 per cent, state bonds. The charter was to expire in 1811. 
It was, however, afterward extended. For several years 
transactions of the United States Bank were profitable, for 
it paid an average of 8 per cent, on its capital. 

4. State Banks.— In the meantime, soon after the 
establishment of the national bank, in 1781, state banks, 
notably in Pennsylvania, began to be organized, and by 1811 
there were 88 of these in existence with an aggregate capi- 
tal of §77,258,000. Speculation ran high, paper money was 
abundant and the apparent prosperity of the country was. 
attributed to the issue of paper money both by the ef^vern- 



422 HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 

n^ent and the state banks. Then came the War of 1812. At 
iis beginning the exportation of the precious metals nearly 
ceased, the banks increased their issues and made great 
profits for the stockholders. The Farmer's Bank of Lan- 
caster, Pa., yielded a round 12 per cent, on its stock, and a 
widespread mania prevailed among all classes to invest in 
bank stocks and to engage in visionary financial schemes 
generally. In 1818, 41 banks were chartered in Pennsyl- 
vania with a capital all told of only $17,(KX),000. These 
banks had no adequate specie basis, and yet continued 
the issue of notes on a liberal scale. On the other hand 
the New England states, with more prudence, had en- 
acted stringent laws governing banking and the redemption 
of bank notes and when under the pressure of war times 
and a surfeit of practically irredeemable currency the 
banks of the other states suspended payment in the early 
fall of 1814 the New England banks remained solid. A 
temporary arrangement was made between the business 
public and the banks, especially in Philadelphia, for the 
restoration of confidence based on the iigreement of the 
latter to resume payment of their notes at the close of the 
war and for a time money continued plentiful, limes were 
apparently good, inflation of values extending to goods and 
to real esta'e was the rule everywhere and speculation was 
universal. Everybody could borrow money and few looked 
forward to a ('ay of reckoning. When in 1815 the reaction 
came, people found that while the value of hard monty had 
increased they Juui little of real value, as judged by the 
metallic standard, left to show for their great apparent 
j:ains. 

5. The Large Loans to the Government. — The large 
loans to the govennncnt by the banks f.ir the prosecution 
of the war, amounting to nearly §63,0U'_i oUi'. Iielped along 
the inflation of currency, the banks advancing money 
beyond their resources, thus augmenting their circulation. 
When the crash came, the L'nited States Hank, whose man- 
agers had taken warning in time and reduced its discounts 
aiid circulation, was found to be in fairly sound condition. 
By the middle of 1815, after peace had been declared, ocean 
commerce had resumed its activity and general business 
was in full swing, although the promise of the state banks 
to resume specie payment had not been ftiltilled. 

6. Reorganize the United States Bank. — Early in 
this year a proposition was made to reorganize the United 
States Bank, and in April, 181H, an act was secured for the 
organization of a company with a capital of $.'t"),000,000, in 
shares of ^100 each. The government look TO.OCK) shares 



HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 423 

and the general public the other 180,000 shares. The latter 
were payable in gold or silver to the extent of 87,000,000 
and $21,(K)0,000 either in the same kind of money or in the 
United States' consolidatetl debt bonds at par or in other 
government securities at values varying according to the 
interest rate which they bore. Thirty dollars per share had 
to be paid on subscription, of which $5 were in gold; in 
six months S35 more was due, of which $10 had to be 
in specie, and the remaining §35 was payable in 12 
months on the same terms. The charter was to run until 
March, 1836. Of the 25 directors, five were to be appointed 
by the President of the United States and confirmed 
by the Senate, and the rest were to be chosen by the 
stockholders and some of the states, no state being allowed 
to name more than three directors. In the contraction of 
any debt the bank was limited to §35,000,000 in excess of its 
total deposits; could not buy and sell the securities of other 
countries not capable of being at once realized upon; was 
confined to 6 per cent, interest on discounts and loans, and 
was restricted to $500,000 as the maximum amount to be 
loaned to the United States, §50,000 to each state, and loans 
to foreigners were entirely prohibited. Bank notes not 
exceeding §100 each were payable on demand, while 
larger denominations were allowed sixty days for payment. 
The smallest bank note was for $5. Bills of exchange 
and sight drafts were receivable at the United States 
Treasury. The bank was to receive and disburse the public 
moneys, and to act as an agent for any state in the negoti- 
ation of a loan. Suspension of payment of bank notes or 
deposits could not be authorized either by Congress or by 
the directors. As a bonus for the charter, the bank was to 
give the government 81,000,000, in three installments. 
Upon the demand of the state Legislatures, branches were 
to be established wherever 2,000 shares of the stock were 
taken. 

7. The Panic of 1818. — It soon appeared that extensive 
speculation in the shares of the bank was going on. By 
September, 1817, the shares sold as high as 8156.50 and so 
continued until December of the following year when they 
fell back to §110. This result was largely brought about by 
the knowledge that some of the directors were treely loan- 
ing §125 or more on the-e §100 shares and the speculation 
^lania ran high and precipitated the panic of 1818. 

Over-issue, or at least imprudent issue of bank notes 
upon a limited basis of specie began to be felt even before 
October, 1818, when the payment of the foreign debt of 
Louisiana withdrew a large sum from the United States Ranlt 



-J24 HISTORV OF TFIi: FINANCIAL PANICS 

Evidenceof the depreciationof the currency also began to be 
seen in the large advance in the price of foreign goods, espe- 
cially those from India and China. As invariably happens, 
as soon as these indications of depreciation in the circulating 
medium were observed, a general demand for specie pay- 
ment set in. The bank had no alternative but to meet the 
demand, and to do this it strained every nerve, meanwhile 
reducing its circulation as rapidly as possible. The s;ate 
banks did likewise, necessarily, and the result of the general 
contraction was a general stagnation of business. In order 
to pay the notes of the bank and its various branches, the 
national bank emptied its vaults of more than §7,000,000 
and the state banks of more than S3,000,OiJO in specie in a 
single year. 

8. Investigation by Congress. — The management of 
the United States bank was finally made a subject of inves- 
tigation by Congress and a committee appointed by that 
body in the latter part of 1818 reported that the directors 
had violated several of the provisions of the charter. The 
result was the appointment of new directors and a change 
of management. The panic continued through 1819, and 
the country suffered severely. Real estate depreciated to 
about one-half its value, failures among business men of 
nearly all classes were almost universal and men of wealth 
speedily became poor, while the middle class were gener- 
ally impoverished. Manufacturing dwindled and the lalx)r- 
ing classes were either idle or poorly paid. In January, 
18'J0, the Legislature of Pennsylvania, which for some years 
had fostered a loose system of banking,adopted a conserva- 
tive course and decided that banks should be restricted in 
their note issues to one-half their capital, that no director 
should be re-elected until after a three years' interval, and 
that their books should be annually inspected by state ex- 
aminers. Other states adopted similar regulations and the 
national bank now being under a new management and 
public sentiment in a condition of healthy conservatism on 
the subject of banks and business, an improvement soon 
took place and the country gradually resumed its former 
prosperity. It is worthy of note that, during the general 
depression through 1818-1!*, the government securities kept 
up to 10:? and 1(14 

9. The Panicof 1825.— In 1825anotherfinancial panicset 
in. The prosperity of the country for the preceding tour or 
five years encouraged the formation of numerous banks, and, 
forgetting the lessons of the past, new banks were formed 
in I'ennsylvania. and in 18'_'4 the Legislature passed a bill 
je-establishing the charters of most of the banks which had 



HISTORY OF THK FINANCIAL PANICS. 425 

failed 10 years before; while in New York, to "start a 
bank " was a kind of mania. Various stock companies of a 
speculative character were organized and stock speculation 
became rife. By 1825 the reaction set in, helped along 
materially by financial embarrassments in England, owing 
in part to speculations in America, cotton and mines and 
the ruling or money exchange in London, which rose from 
5 to about 10 per cent. Cotton fabrics declined from 18 
to 13 cents per yard, and many of the factories closed. This 
panic, however, was not of long duration, general liquidation 
and readjustment of values occurring during 1826, and 
during the latter part of that and in the following year 
times were again good, and money, in a commercial sense, 
easy. 

ID. United States Bank Putting in Circulation Large 
Amounts of Drafts. — Although gradually the banks 
generally had become established on a better basis and 
hard money was plenty, yet by 1828 there began to de- 
velop a condition which, under other circumstances, would 
doubtless have led to a serious panic. This condition 
was largely caused by the course of the United States 
Bank in putting in circulation a large amount of drafts 
issued by the branch banks which circulated freely, taking 
the place of the bank notes put out by the local banks, 
merely displacing this circulating medmm without increas- 
ing the general circulation. Naturally the issues of the 
local banks were freely exchanged for these drafts of 
the national bank, or rather of its branches, and the 
former having a comparatively limited circulation suf- 
fered thereby. This disturbance was, however, more in the 
nature of competition between the local banks and the na- 
tional bank than otherwise, and while causing some depres- 
sion to business from scarcity of currency did not rise to 
the proportions of a panic. Gold and silver money being 
comparatively plenty no doubt helped to prevent more seri- 
ous complications. During the next two or three years 
business was very active and the country prosperous. Wars 
in Europe, the cholera and other causes combined to make 
more productive the use of capital in the L^nited States and 
the line of bank loans and discounts rose in proportion both 
among the state banks and in the United States Bank, the 
discounts of the latter rising from 824,000,000 in 1826 to 
$44,000,000 in 1831, and the circulation from 89,000,000 to 
$22,000,000. The New York banks had a surfeit of money 
by 1830, and all the banks extended their operations, thus 
making the obtaining of credit in business circles compara- 
tively easy. 



426 HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 

11. A Reaction. — By 1831, however, over-trailing, as 
usual, produced a reaction and the party opposed to the 
United States Bank, led by President Andrew Jackson, 
maintained that the influence and operations of the institu- 
tion were calculated to embarrass rather than to promote 
the interests of the country at large. 

12. The Panic of 1837. —Matters pertaining to the United 
States Bank continued much as formerly, the contentions of 
the bank and the anti-bank party going on until 1832, when 
it having transpired that the president of the bank had sent 
an agent to London to negotiate a loan of §6,000,000 from 
the Barings and its practical insolvency being charged. 
President Jackson strongly opposed the renewal of its 
charter, which was to expire in 188fi. 

13. Congress Antagonized the President. — Congress, 
however, antagonized the President and voted to renew the 
charter. The President, with characteristic firmness vetoed 
the bill passed by Congress. In the following year, 1833, 
President Jackson ordered the withdrawal of the govern- 
ment deposits from the bank, which after considerable 
wrangling in Congress, the .Senate o{<posing and the House 
sustaming the President, was accomplished. In lir'SG deal- 
ings between the government and the bank entirely ceased, 
its president, Mr. Biddle, having about this time mysteri- 
ously secured the special charter of the Bank of Pennsyl- 
vania. The directors turned over everything belonging to 
the old bank to the new one, and altliough owing the gov- 
ernment SK'.UUO.UOO, made no provision for its payment. 
The career of this new bank with the old name and the old 
president will be noted later on. 

14. Monetary System, — The panic of 18.37-39 was at 
first strictly one affecting the monetary system of the country 
and did not seem to check the general prosperity, while 
President Van Buren, who succeedetl General Jackson in 
1837, like his predecessor, favored a circulation of hard 
money and shaped the policy of his ailministration to secure 
it by having the Unitcci States Treasury refuse at first all 
bank notes of less than 85, later on all less than §10, and 
still later all under §20. All these exertions, however, 
failed to stave off the impending crisis resulting from ex- 
cessive over-trading, wild speculation, and above all the 
drain upon the country by Kurope of hard money, the 
"balance of trade" being heavily against the United States. 
In 1S3B the imports of this country exceeded the exports by 
the large sum of §.")0,000,000. Besides this, individual firms 
and houses engaged in speculative schemes were heavy 
borrowers from Holland and England. When the financial 



HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 427 

tension had become great, the Bank of England sharply 
advanced the rate of discount on American paper, and gen- 
eral collapse followed. Many of the banks suspended pay- 
ment, and though Mr. Biddle, of the new United States 
Bank schemed to stay the tide, his bank, too, suspended, 
and for a year general financial demoralization marked the 
panic of 1837. 

15. The Panic of 1839. — The main cause which led up 
to the panic ol 1839 may be traced to Mr. Biddle and his 
wild financial schemes. After the resu.nption of business 
by his "United States Bank" he planned to control all the 
immense cotton sales of the south. He succeeded in becom- 
ing the great cotton factor, with agencies at Havre and 
Liverpool, to whom the bulk of this staple was to be con- 
signed. Having thus a monopoly, by shrewd manipulation 
the price was advanced, much to the satisfaction of the 
planters. But Biddle paid them in bank paper, while he 
drew on his foreign correspondents for gold, at one time 
drawing 3,000,000 pounds sterling on London. In the latter 
part of 1837 he caused to be established banks in several of 
the southern states, by the aid of which advances were made 
to the planters. They were flimsy affairs, with small capi- 
tal, and in the following year their note issues depreciated 30 
per cent, and soon were refused by the cotton producers. 
But Biddle was equal to the emergency, and at once pro- 
ceeded to buy up the shares of the banks at a large discount. 
He also purchased their papers having two years to run, 
and in 1838 had put into the business on the strength of his 
United States Bank $100,000,000, while he loaned the plant- 
ers about $20,000,000 on their cotton crops for three years at 
7 per cent. The southern bank shares which his bank had 
purchased soon rose to par, as he had intended, and then he 
sold them in the London market. The good crops in the 
United States and apparent general prosperity, together 
with the fact that Biddle kept a large balance in Europe, 
inspired general confidence in London, the Bank of England 
taking the paper of the United States Bank at 2 to 3 per 
cent, discount. Meanwhile the bank's stock of cotton 
controlled by Biddle increased until it reached as high as 
90,000,000 bales. The speculation had yielded a profit of 
$15,OCtO,000, but soon confidence in the brilliant financiering 
of the president of the United States Bank began to wane in 
this country, for the paper money which the planters had 
received for their cotton began to depreciate from 15 to 25 
per cent., while the crop of cotton fell off about one-fifth. 

r6. Biddle. — In February and March, 1839, the sales of 
cotton at Havre and Liverpool were made at a loss and the 



428 HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 

agents there bejjan to store the large cargoes still being sent 
over. Seeing that this condition of aflfairs abroad was likely 
to react unfavorably at home, Biddle for a time threw dust 
into the financial air by starting a bank in New York with 
$50,OOO.OfW of capital. He issued long-time papers and 
bought extensively with this paper American canal, railroad 
and other stocks, which he sold for a time in the London 
market. Before long, however, the bank's long-time paper 
fell to about 80 per cent, and American exchange and 
investments were practically ruled out in London and Paris. 
The cotton market was in a bad way, and the houses in 
Paris antl at Amsterdam which had handled the staple for 
Biddle withdrew their connection. He was, however, still 
able to get money in London, and on the security of govern- 
ment bonds and canal and railroad shares secured help 
from the Rothschilds and to some extent from the Bank of 
England. 

17. General Depreciation. — Nothing could stay the 
"ncoming tide of general depreciation of all American 
securities, and the loss on these securities and the fall 
of cotton caused a large number of failures in London, 
iManchester and Birmingham. In the United States busi- 
ness circles had suffered from over-trading, and the general 
loss of confidence made actual money " tight," affecting 
even government finances. Bank failures were numerous, 
the failures being 959. The old " Bank party " united to 
force the government to turn to the L^nited States Bank 
for help. The government issucil instead §10,000,000 of 
treasury bonds. Biddle made a show of resuming specie 
payment, but could not restore genuine confidence, while 
the national administration, under President \'an Buren, 
ordered that collectors of government dues refuse all bank 
notes of less than §20 not payable in specie. At last the 
state of Pennsylvania ordered the resumption of specie pay- 
ment by all banks chartered by that state on or before Janu- 
ary 15, 184L The shares of Biddle's bank had yielded no 
dividends in l.'<?9, and during the first six months of 1840 
fell to §61, although at one time they had been quoted as 
high as §1,500. After general loss to banks and otlior inter- 
ests of fully 50 per cent., the panic ceased in 1841, and 
business moved forward again on a more solid basis. The 
famous " United States Bank " had been forever swept away 
in the storm. 

18. A Slight Panic — During the succeeding seven 
years the financial condition of the country showed much 
improvement. The banks were conducted on a more .solid 
basis, and by 1844 the circulation was reduced to §58,000,000 



HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 429 

from $254,000,000 in the previous year, while the specie 
reserve had increased from S37,000,(X)0 to $49,000,000 during 
1844. The capital of the banks as well as their number was 
materially decreased, the former being reduced from a total 
of $J}50,000.000 in 1840 to SlOfJ.OOO.OOO in 1846. Gradually, 
however, banks began again to increase in number, and 
note circulation by 1848 had reached $128,000,000 from 
$58,000,000 in 1844, while during the same time the specie 
reserve was reduced by about §14,000,000. In 1848 a slight 
panic, partly produced by the panic in Europe, but mainly 
by currency inflation with its usual reaction occurred, but 
its influence was not serious nor its duration long extended. 

19. The Panic of iSsy.—From 1849 to 1857, in which 
year a serious panic in the financial history of this country 
occurred, general business was good and the increase of 
discounts by the banks was steady and the deposits showed 
a gradual gain. The discounts grew from $332,000,000 in 
1849 to $684,000,000 in 1&57, and the increase of the bank 
circulation was $100,000,000. The number of banks 
increased from 751 in 1848 to 1,416 in 18-57, but while the 751 
banks in 1848 had $207,000,000 of capital, the 1,416 banks in 
1857 had only $370,000,000, and although the specie reserve 
increased considerably, it did not increase in proportion to 
the discounts and circulation. For example, in 1837 the 
specie on hand of the banks was $1 to each $6 of paper 
money, but in 1857 the specie on hand, amounting to 
$14,300,000, was in the proportion of $1 to $8 of paper. By 
the payment of high interest on deposits, the banks 
increased this item materially by the early part of 1857. 
The money so acquired was loaned freely to speculators, of 
whom there was an abundant crop, and up to June, 1857, 
when deposits began to diminish, loans, discounts and 
deposits indicated prosperity. Railway schemes were 
numerous and the shares on the market plenty, while specu- 
lation in lands on borrowed money by people having no 
solid backing had become extensive. As usual, large 
amounts of railroad shares were floated in the London mar- 
ket. 

20. Signs of Trouble. — By September, 1857, there be- 
gan to be signs of trouble, three or four small banks having 
suspended, and by the 1st of October the demands of the 
country banks upon the metropolitan American Exchange 
Bank of New York were greater than ever before. On the 
13th of October, with a premium of one-fourth to one-half 
per cent, on specie the banks very generally suspended 
specie payment. Necessarily the wheels of commerce 
stopped, everybody following the example of the banks 



430 HISTORY OK THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 

suspended payment, and for about a month the finances and 
business of the country were in a very critical condition, but 
the resources of the banks and the exceptionally good croi)S 
of the year soon served to restore a degree of confidence, 
and upon December II, the banks re>umed payment. 

The shrinkage of collaterals deposi ed by the banks may 
be seen when it is stated that these collaterals, in iy."j»'., 
represented $2,50n,CK30, on which notes from borrowers were 
accepted of 82 OOO.OUO, while the same collaterals in 18-''>7 
were valued at S-")60,000, on which only 83S3,0<X) was loaned 
on notes. General revival of business followed the resump- 
tion of the banks, and by January, iy."i8, recovery from the 
panic was complete. About the same flurry occurred at 
the same time in Europe, followed by a like speedy recov- 
ery, l^riefly over-issue of bank notes, too indiscriminate 
loaning by the banks to speculators, and the extension of 
business in the country upon excessive credits were tlie 
causes of the panic of 18-J7. More stringent regulations bv 
some of the states, especially New York, governing the 
capital and management of the banks were one of the good 
results of the panic. 

21. The Panic of 1873. — The most extensive and far- 
reaching in its results of any panic occurring in the history 
of the United States was the panic of 1878. The causes 
were many, but the readjustment of inflated values con- 
sequent upon the conditions brought about by the war of 
the Rebellion may be set down as the chief cause back of 
more immediate causes. During the war the whole mone- 
tary system of the country had undergone a change; gov- 
ernment bunds to a large amount had been issued, the green- 
back national currency established and money was plentv. 
When measured by a gold standard the money was quite as 
"cheap ' as it was plenty. The immense expenditures 
called for in the conduct of the war stimulated all lines of 
business and speculation ran high. Land values especially 
in the west, where towns sprang up as if by magic, rapidly 
increased and great fortunes were realized by a good many 
of the investors. Manufacturers of all kinds were stimu- 
lated to undue proportions in many cases and great strides 
had been made up to 1S72 in the apparent prosperity of the 
country. During the last two months of the latter year the 
signs of the coming storm appeared when the rate of 
discount went up to 7 per cent, and then nearly double 
that figure in some cases. Accommodation pai)er began 
to be hard to discount at the banks, though temporary 
improvement followed for fitful [)criods during the spring 
and summer of 1873. Railroad building went on at a 




431 



432 HISTORY OF THE FINAN'CIAL PANICS. 

rapid rate and on an extensive scale, involving aa ox- 
ponditure of abcjut S121,UW,0U0 and represented by about 
4,200 miles of road during 1873. On October 18 the 
storm broke, when the great banking house of Jay 
Cooke & Co. went down. Not only this house but most 
other banking houses had loaded up with railroad and sim- 
ilar securities and the load was too heavy to carrv. The 
price of gold, which in January, 1873, stood at 112K per 
cent, went up to 119>^ in April. Bank discounts, which 
amounted to 8300,000,000 in September, 1871, were reduced 
to $278,000,000 hv September, 1873, and deposits which in 
July, 1871, were §248,000,000 stood at $108,000,000 in Septem- 
ber, 1873. During this month the Xew York Stock Exchange 
was closed for 10 days, during which time the "legal ten- 
der" notes were at a premium of from one-fourth to 3 per 
cent. 

22. Withdrawal of Deposits.— The withdrawal of de- 
posits everywhere caused a "run" on the banks, and the 
government stepped in to ease the situation by buying 
$13,500,000 of its 5-20 bonds, which afforded only temporary 
relief. Following the Jay Cooke failure came the closing 
up of Fiske & Hatch, the Union Trust Company, the Na- 
tional Trust Company, the National Bank of the' Common- 
wealth and other large institutions. By the 1st of Novem- 
ber discounts which on the 12th of September had been 
819y,000,000 fell to $169,000,000, and stagnation of business 
was general. During the depression the national govern- 
ment put on the market a new issue of 5 20 bonds, most of 
which were taken by Germany, and this helped to relieve 
the stram. Throughout all the trouble government bonds 
not only held up but advanced from 91 per cent, in April, 
1873, to 96 in October, when the panic was at its worst, 
showing the general faith in the stability and resources of 
the nation. State bonds also, as a rule, maintained their 
integrity and were freely taken whenever offered abroad. 
Railroad securities, excepting those of the old established 
lines, were much depressed and with good cause, for about 
90 compmies failed to jiav their interest coupons when due. 

23. Wholesale Manipulation of Stock. — Doubtless the 
situation as regarded the railroads was made much worse 
than it would naturally have been by the wholesale manip- 
ulation of stocks, by combinations, notably that of the Van- 
derbilts, whose managers drove shares of some good roads 
down to a low point so that they might buy them up at their 
own figure. The stable character of the finances of the 
national government and the era of retrenchment which 
soon set in on the part of the people, who had over-traded 



HISTORY OF THE FINANXIAL PANICS. 43;I' 

extensively, soon brought about a better state of affairs and 
gradually business again became active, based more nearly 
on real values in place of the former fictitious ones. 

24. The Panic of 1884.— Following the panic of 1873r 
the financial condition remained in a satisfactory condition 
until May, 1884, when a financial disturbance occurred, 
having its center in New York, but more or less affecting 
the entire country. It was, in the main, a panic of which 
the stock speculators of Wall street were responsible 
rather than because of any real weakness of the banks or of 
over-trading in business circles or of overproduction by the 
manufacturers. The era of railroad speculations had reached 
its culmination in this country in 1880, and the excessive 
competition m rates among new lines by 1881 had caused a 
retrograde movement to set in. Some of the large concerns 
in New York which had been reckless operators in railroad 
securities and had forced prices far above real values, 
found they could no longer perform the impossible feat of 
making water to run up hill and, in the language of the 
street, laid down. In May, 1884, the stockbroker firm of 
Grant & Ward, of which General Grant had unfortunately 
become a nominal member, failed through the crooked 
speculations of Ward, and for which General Grant after- 
ward made all the reparation in his power. The firm was 
closely connected with the National Marine Bank, which on 
the oth of May failed. Then followed closely the suspen- 
sion of the Second National, the Metropolitan and a number 
of smaller banks which were intimately connected with 
these institutions. Before the close of the month the sav- 
ings bank of Fiske & Hatch and several banking and 
brokerage firms failed. 

25. Credits. — The panic among the banks so mti- 
mately associated became extensive, and getting credits 
even for fegitimate transactions was next to impossible. 
Securities heretofore readily received as collateral were 
refused, and even on the offering of those of unques- 
tioned value no money could be had. In this emergency 
the Clearing House of the Associated Banks promptly 
arranged to issue certificates receivable in behalf of the 
crippled members of the association and supplemented 
this action by receiving through a committee bills and 
securities as collateral in exchange for which certificates 
of deposit bearing 3 per cent, were issued up to 75 percent, 
of the deposit. This action not on^y prevented many 
failures but soon restored confidence and enabled the 
Metropolitan and other banks to resume without loss 
<o depositors. In the mean time the Secretary of the- 



434 HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 

1 reasury aided the recovery by pledging the government 
to pay before maturity a large amount of bonds due in 
ibe near future. 

26. Specie Payment. — The government paid in gold, 
and the afiected banks also managed to keep up their specie 
payment. Several banks, not over strong and many private 
hanking firms failed beyond recovery, but these did not 
materially affect the general public. By the middle of 
lune the immediate effect of the disturbance had ceased, 
though, like a receding wave, some small banking institu- 
tions remote from New York and Chicago were affected, 
and the panic of 18x4 was a thing of the past. The number 
of banks in ISM was 2,684. 

27. The Panic of 1893 94.— We come now to the last 
financial disturbance which assumed the proportions of a 
real panic, and had its noticeable beginning in 1893, 
and the effect of which was felt for many years. Good 
crops and fair prices, coupled with our system of national 
banks, enabled the country to realize continued prosperity 
after 1884, and the development of mining interests and 
agricultural resources in the West went on steadily, while 
Tnanufacturinginall parts of the country increased, notably 
so in the reconstructed South, adding to the permanent re- 
sources of a great nation. In 1888 the specie reserve 
amounted to 8181. 000,000, the banking capital to $o9-2,000,000. 
the discounts to $1,684,000,000, and the exports to 81,350,- 
(XIO.OOO. By the following year the volume of trade was 
larger than in any year of the nation's history and the bank 
clearings showed an increase of 13 per cent, over 1N;<8. 
The crops were abundant and railroad earnings were larger 
than for any previous period. Very naturally, the condi- 
tions were favorable to the unfolding of large enterprises, 
i.()me of which were overdone, and in 1892 signs of a reaction 
were noted. In 1893, following a change of administration 
from the Repul^lican to the Democratic partv, which had 
become pledged in its platform to a free trade policy, the 
uneasiness consequent upon any radical change in the tariff 
of the country began to manifest itself and manufacturers 
contracted their operations extensively, while they main- 
tained a waiting attitude in anticipation of a radically 
• hanged tariff. Over-proiluction in many lines also made 
It necessary for the manufacturers to reduce their output 
and a decrease of wages was the result. This contraction 
in turn affected all branches of trade and times d iring the 
summer and fall of 1893 were dull. Some bank failures 
took place, but only among small country banks. 

35 



HISTORY OF THE FINANCIAL PANICS. 43> 

28. A New Tariff Bill. — As was expected the party id 
power, controlling both branches of Congress, proposed a 
new tariff bill, and during the long session of 1894 most of 
the time of Congress was taken up with its consideration. 
The uncertainty of its passage and the form which the pro- 
posed law would take if passed kept the country in a state 
of uncertainty all through the summer and fall. A large 
number of business failures occurred and many banks of 
the smaller variety closed up either temporarily or perma- 
nently, though the banks at such centers as New York, 
Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago, and St. Louis remained 
solid. In fact, rarely have the banks been in better condi- 
tion than since the beginning of the recent trouble. There 
was no lack of money in 1894-5, but for a time it was ex- 
ceedingly ditficult to negotiate loans from the banks on any 
class of securities. A general policy of hoarding money 
among the people prevailed, and all who could put their 
surplus into first-class securities and stored them away in 
safety deposit vaults and elsewhere. 

29. A General Distrust. — A general d'":rust of the 
future prevailed and consequently traders did business on 
a narrow margin, buying small stocks at short intervals, 
thus adding to the uncertainties of the manufacturing inter- 
ests. To make matters worse wheat, under the intiuence 
of a large supply and a limited foreign demand, declined 
from time to time, varying for months from 63 to 64 cents, 
other products following in a less marked decline. To add 
further to the complications the great railway strike of July 
and August, 1894, initiated by the American Railway Union 
under the leadership of Eugene V. Debs, with its storm 
center in Chicago, took place and kept the country in a 
demoralized state, while extensive coal strikes in Pennsyl- 
vania, Ohio and Illinois added to the troubles. At last, just 
before adjournment in October, 1894, Congress passed a new 
tariff bill so long pending, though with much less sweeping 
reductions than were anticipated, and a settled policy on that 
question having been adopted, the country experienced the 
relief which certainty brings. The finances of the govern- 
ment, however, owing to inadequate revenues and the con- 
stant drain of gold from the United States Treasury, most of 
which found its way to Europe, operated unfavorably to 
rapid recovery from financial depression. In December 
government issued 8100,000,000 of 3 per cent, bonds 
which were taken by a syndicate of New York bankers and 
afforded temporary relief. 



-43fi MONEY. 

Money. — First Issue in America. 

1. Codfish. — The first American money that histor/ 
informs us of was wampum and the dried codfish of New- 
foundland. The latter were in general use as money, and 
answered the purpose better than any other material that 
could have been procured in that rei^ion, A single fish was 
a sufficiently small change for small transactions, and a 
mass of them not cumbersome, Superior convenience made 
its adoption for money natural. 

2. Wampum. — This consisted of small shells like beads. 
They were of two kinds, white and black. The white was 
the periwinkle; the black was made with more labor out of 
the black part of a clam shell and was double the value of 
the white. Strings, groups of strings and belts made of 
them were the money known as wampum. Wampum was 
made a legal tender in the Massachusetts colony for 12d. 
only. A belt of it was six feet long and consisted of 360 
beads. The whites afterward caused an inflation by import- 
ing the beads l)y the barrel. 

3. Corn.— In 1641 corn was made a legal tender in the 
Plymouth colony for the payment of debts, " to save the 
<lebtor from the inequality of forcing him to great sacrifices 
in consequence cf the scarcity of the money of the realm." 

4. Spanish Coins. — Gold and silver Spanish coins were 
used for a tmie, but in 16r)2 a mint was set up in Boston to 
make a set of coins for home circulation, and laws were 
made to drive out the Spanish coins. 





New England Shilling:. New England Shilling. 

Issued by Massachusetts in 1652. 









SOME OF THE FIRST COINS MADE IN THE 
UNITED STATES. 



437 



438 



THE FIRST MONEY ISSLED IN AMERICA. 



5. Current Money of Paper. — King George III. author- 
ized the General Assembly of Delaware to create and pro- 
vide paper money fur debt-paying purposes. Of this current 
money of King George, a sum equal to §150,000 of our 
American dollars were issued, each piece of paper being 
first printed from an engraved block of wood and thus 
numbered and signed personally by each of the three com- 
missioners appointed to take charge of this issue and note 
to whom it was paid for services or loaned on security; the 
interest paid for its use going to the treasuries of the three 
counties named in the bill. This is the first issue of current 
money of paper issued on American soil, though the Indians 
used a legal tender of shells made under the personal sanc- 
tion of their chief in settlement of their debts one to another. 

6. The Reverse Side of these Bills were as follows, both 
the face and the reverse being copied, fac-simile, from the 

old money now 
in possession of 
the writer. The 
fac-similics of 
these old moneys 
will be valuable, 
as they rep re- 
sent things of the 
[uist arul ]ioint 
the way to better 
money in the 
future. The ex- 
istence of this 
money did not 










X SHlLLtNGS. 

SETHIS In-I 

■^}t?S#;^|qdenred BILL ^ 

[^/er Six S H I L 
^-^ LI N G S, jc 

c(irJi''g '*' an Act oj 
GiwtraL A_^-mhly ij 
'tl>eeetmtitifJ'CltiX' 
cxfilr, %ent «;7<f gwfllcr^ ^/on De- 
laware, fajfiimibejiltl) Yiar^tf ibe 
Rcign tf His 

Day c/]3.Xi//- \ 
•1776. Vly^>5'Z^ 

IX '^HILL 





im obtaining 
gold or silver 
coins, or any- 
thing else their 
fancy craved 
that was in sight 
or known of. It 
(lid not lessen 
the value of any 
pile of land or 
other property. 
It was a new 
birth. A new creation. .A. public benefit, as it increased by 
its volume the sum of circulating medium, whi<'h was too 




{ (c>^ fi<^<y^yn^(y^c'/W'd yj~s 



pre 
I roi 



First Continental Money. 



THE FIRST MONEY ISSUED IN AMERICA. 



439 



small for the good of a people disposed to enterprise and to 
be useful by going into debt for improvements. 

7. Continental Scrip. To the continental scrip of 
olden time attention is called. It differs, as will be seen, 
from the bills of King George, or from greenbacks, as it 
does not declare itself to have power to pass current, nor to 
be a legal tender. It promises nothing, but entitles the 
bearer to receive five Spanish milled dollars. That is, five 
pieces of silver minted in Spain and with rough edges, or 
the value thereof in gold cr silver, so th;.t if this continental 
bill was redeemed it could be redeemed in Spanish money, 
or in metals, at such intrinsic value as they might have in 
the scales of trade. 

8. Legal Tender. — The power that emitted these bills of 
credit did not declare them to be legal tender for the pay- 
ment of debts; did not declare them receivable by the gov- 
ernment; did not give to them any function to perform as 
money; did not attach a penalty for counterfeiting because 
they were not, as bills, in possession of power to arbitrate a 
debt. Had Congress declared this currency of olden time 
to be legal tender money always held at par by its parent, 
it would always have ranked with the most precious metals 
or productions of power as a thing to pay debts. 




UNITED STATES SEAL. 



440 



PAPER MONEY. 






" ■■■ I W0, 




If Iff ji if i 



J?E<--^. 



>^: 



-FAKIR- 
"Here is where you get your money's worth," 

Paper Money in the United States. 

The English colonies soon after their settlenient issued 
paper money. Massachusetts took the lead, in order to 
secure funds to besies/e C^ucbec. 

The circulation of pa[)cr money increased until hard 
money became in great demand, and much of the paper 
money was not worth 10 per cent, of its face value. 

In the War of Independence, Congress first issued three 
million of paper dollars. It was increased to 8160,000,000, 
then to 8-^)9,000,000, and in 17S1 it had no rating and wa« 
not taken at 1 per cent, of its face value. 



PAPER MONEY. ^^^ 

BANK OF NORTH AMERICA. 

Upon the adoption of the United States Constitution the 
issuing of paper money ceased, and gold and silver became 
the new circulating medium. The Bank of North America, 
organized and controlled by the United States, with a capital 
of $10,000,000, was greatly embarrassed, and, owing to its 
loans to the government, it was compelled to increase its 
note circulation to an enormous amount. This increase of 
paper money aroused suspicion; people refused the notes; 
every one struggled to obtain hard money, hence it became 
impossible to borrow money, and bankruptcy followed. 

In 1790 Mr. Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, pro- 
posed the organization of the national bank to Congress, and 
m 1794 it began operations under the name, " Bank of the 
United States," with a capital of $10,000,000, $8,000,000 being 
subscribed by private individuals and $2,000,000 by the gov- 
ernment. 





New Hampshire Shilling, Coined 1776. 

Two million of this sum were to be paid in metallic 
money, and $6,000,000 in state bonds; the charter was to 
continue till March 4, 1811. This bank paid an average 
dividend of 8 per cent. The success of the bank led peo- 
ple to believe that it was all owing to the issuing of paper 
money when the true cause was the prosperity oi the 
country. In consequence, the "Farmers Bank of Lancas- 
ter " was founded, with a capital stock of $300,000; others 
rapidly followed and great excitement prevailed. 

In 1812 the capital of the banks had risen to nearly 
$80,000,000, and there were already eighty-eight banks in 
existence. After the declaration of war with England 
(June, 1812) there was a great demand for dollar pieces, 
owing to the East Indian aad Chinese trade, and when 
this demand was made for coin, it was a warning to 
the banks, who found it difficult to meet the demands of 
their creditors by redeeming their notes in gold or silver. 



442 



DIFFERENT COMMODITIES USED AS MONEY. 



The war, however, put a stop to the exportation of precious 
metals, and to a certain degree limited the circulation of 
paper, consequently loans, and enormous sums of money 
were distributed among individuals and among the states. 
Trade everywhere was stimulated, people were carried 
away with speculation, and every one seemed to indulge in 
golden dreams. 

In Pennsylvania in 1813 forty-one banks with a capital of 
117,000,000 were authorized by a large majority. The banks 
soon discovered the method of discounting their own stock. 
They thus increased the amount of notes, which depreciated 
in comparison with hard money, and dissipated on all sides 
the hope of exchanging with it, and in the absence of the 
demand from abroad for hard money, the demand came 
from within our own borders. 

All remittances in New England could only be made in 
hard money, and the laws of New England compelled all 
banks to pay a penalty of 12 per cent, upon the annual m- 
terest payments of those persons who did not pay their 
notes. Consequently the banks were not able to respond 
to the demands for redemption, and hence suspension 
of the banks followed. 





The Maryland Shilling, Coined In 1659 by Lord 

Baltimore. 



Different Commodities Used as Money. 

Any article of wealth — /. e. anything which has value — 
may be used as money. Tin was thus employed in ancient 
Syracuse and Britain, while to the same purpose wc tind 
iron in Sparta, cattle in Rome and Germany, a preparation 
of leather among the Carthaginians, platinum in Russia, 
lead in Burmah, nails in Scotland, pieces of silk among the 



MONEY. 443 





Massachusetts Cent, Connecticut Cent, 

1787. 1785. 

Chinese, cubes of pressed tea in Tartary, salt in Abys- 
sinia, cowrie-shells on the coast of Africa, slaves among the 
Anglo-Saxons, tobacco in \'irgiuia, codfish m Newfound- 
land, Dullets and wampum in the early history of Massa- 
chusetts, logwood in Campeachy, sugar in the West Indies, 
soap in Mexico, etc. But from'the time of Abraham, when 
he paid (Gen. xxiii., 16) to the children of Heth 400 shekels 
cf silver, " current money wiih the merchant " — tlie earliest 
historical record of a purchase with money ti 1 now, gold 
and silver have been the money with civilized and com- 
mercial people. 



Philosophy and Laws that Govern 
and Control the Value of Money. 

r. Good Government. — The great majority of people 
desire good government, and they work and vote with a view 
of securing the same. Parties are organized by men for the 
purpose of promulgating ideas, which if carried into effect, 
will give the people good government. 

2. Trusts and Combinations of Capital.— The people 
give to members of Congress the power to act for them and to 
protect their interests in all legislation. Xo sjoner, how- 
ever, is a party installed in office and power than men who 
have associated themselves together and organizi-d corpora- 
tions, trusts and combinations of capital, seek to secure 
such legislation at the hands of Congress as will be favor- 
able to their respective interests. 



444 MONEY. 

3. Philosophy of Money. — The legislation on the peut 
of Congress concerning money has been secured by very 
questionable methods, and while there has been very much 
public discussion on the subject at times the people seem 
to have no adequate conception of the philosophy of money 
and the laws that govern and control the value of money. 
Most congressmen have no clearer understanding of the 
subject than the people whom they represent, and they are, 
therefore, easily persuaded to adopt the theories and con- 
clusions of the "great financiers" of this country and o£ 
Europe, and to enact the same into laws. 





4. No Greater Question. — There is no greater or more 
important question for the consideration of men at tiiis time 
in this country than the money question. It is the paramount 
question and the one that is the least understood by the 
people. It affects all interests and all classes of people. 
Never before in the history of this country has the question 
been so generally considered by the people as at the present 
time. As much as there has been written and said on the 
subject during the past thirty years, the people have appar- 
ently learned nothing concerning the matter. The trouble 
has been that the people have followed the advice of those 
who have secured financial legislation in ilieirown interests, 
and they have refrained from investigating the question 
themselves, and therefore have not learned or liecome 
familiar with the laws that govern and control money and its 
value. Instead of thinking and acting for themselves they 
have permitted others to think and act for them upon the 
subject. They have been so busily engaged in the pursuit 
of money that they have had no time to consider the philos- 
ophy of money or the laws affecting money, and are quite 
content to turn the whole matter over to the "able and suc- 
cessful financier." 

5. Financial Panics. — Financial panics come and go, 
and still people do not seem to understand what it is that pro- 



MONEV, 445 

daces them. During such times one hears on every hand 
the statements that "times are hard," "money is scarce," 
"there is no business," and the like. All sorts of reasons 
are given for financial panics except the right one. Among 
the various reasons alleged are "overproduction," "lack of 
confidence," "tinkering with tariff," "extravagance of the 
people," " too much money," "change of administration," 
"too much immigration," etc. 

6. The Money Owners and the Owners of Bonds issued 
by nations and municipalities understand full well what it is 
that produces financial panics. It is they, and they alone, 
who, through the manipulation of the volume of the money 
and the legislation affecting the same produce financial 
panics. Their greatest opportunity for making money is 
during the period of a money famine, and the more fre- 
quently they occur the more of the wealth of the world they 
are able to secure. Such people mak*^ no public speeches, 
write no essays and they are not interviewed by newspapers 
on the subject of money. They employ others to do that work 
for them. They have more effective methods of securing 
what they want, and those methods are not understood by 
the people. The people feel the effect, but they do not 
comprehend the cause of a financial panic. They fail to 
understand that a financial panic is simply a money famine, 
and that it is produced by the retirement of a large volume 
of money from circulation in the country where the panic 
occurs. No financial panic ever was, or ever can be pro- 
duced, in this or any other country, except by taking out of 
circulation a large volume of money. 

7. All Money the Creature of Law. — All money, except 
such as is used by common consent is the creature of law, 
manufactured and put in circulation by the government in 
pursuance of law. Under our Constitution money may be 
coined out of any material that Congress may designate, 
and when any material is manufactured into money by the 
government in pursuance of law and made a legal tender 
for all debts, public and private, such money becomes, 
when put in circulation, a medium of exchange. But we 
must remember that money has two essentially distinct 
offices. First, it \s Zl medium of exchange ; and second, it 
is a measure of values. A measure of anything must have 
the property which it attempts to measure. That is. value 
can be measured only by that which has value. We speak 
of greenbacks and bank bills as money ; so they are in the 
broader sense as media of exchange ; but they have no 
value in themselves ; their value lies in what they represent. 



446 MONEY. 

The national government designates what shall be ihe 
media of exchange, and says how much of one of these 
media shall be the unit of measure for values, but it has 
no power to place a value on that measuring unit. It may 
attempt so to do, but it will fail. Nature's laws are above 
those of man. 

The law may say that certain coins of gold and silver, 
and certain forms of debts, as greenbacks and bank bills, 
shall be the media of exchange. Also, that a certain num- 
ber of grains, coined gold (the dollar) shall be the stand- 
ard, but it can not place a value upon the gold in the dol- 
lar. The laws of demand and supply do that. 

8. Price is value measured by a standard. The price of 
an individual piece of merchandise depends upon supply 
and demand for these goods. The average price of all 
objects of value entering into free competition in the 
world's markets depends upon the value of the gold in the 
dollar — the measuring unit of all values. 

9. Making Money. — People talk about making money 
in some enterprise, as though they really made, manufac- 
tured it; but, of course, that is only a figure of speech. 

If the government had never made any money, other 
means would have been resorted to in order to effect ex- 
changes of property. 

ID. Prices Rise and Fall. — Money is the blood of com- 
merce. Its quantity must be sufricieni for health ; its qual- 
ity must be good; its circulation should be natural and 
free. Too much money in circulation leads to extravagance 
and speculation ; in due time comes re-action and panic. 
Insufficient money with which to meet the demands of 
legitimate business brings a congested condition of the 
money market. 

11. The purchasing power of money depends upon the 
value of the circulating medium I'.belf. Cheap money 
makes dear goods and high wages; but it pays debts more 
easily. Dear money brings cheap goods and lower wages. 
In short, after the financial conditions are fully adjusted to 
a sound financial system, the question of the kind of money 
plays but a small part in business. Money is an expression 
of ratio between values. The ratio should be as firmly 
fixed as possible. When that is done, money has little to 
do with its second function — to measure values. This 
leaves ihe laws of trade to act freely and naturally. Prices 
rise and fall because of demand and supply, and not 
according to the changing ratio of money. 

12. Money Famine. — There are three classes of people 
who are always benefited by a money famine — the money 



MONEY. 447 

owner and the bond holder out of debt, the annuitant and 
recipient of fixed incomes, and public officers and others who 
receive fixed salaries. The amount such people receive by 
way of income or salary, or interest enables them to buy more 
and more property and labor as the prices of property and 
labor fall. Nearly all such people are anxious to have pro- 
perty decrease in price, since they would then be able to live 
better and purchase more with their money. Those who are 
benefited most are they who receive the largest incomes. 
The money owners and bondholders are among those who 
have secured legislation in this country under which a large 
portion of the volume of money in the country has been 
destroyed, by reason of which prices of property and labor 
in general have fallen more than one-half since 1869. 

13. Falling Prices. — It is to the interest of the money 
owner and bondholder out of debt, and the man with fixed 
income, to have a constantly shrinking volume of money, for 
the reason that there would be constantly falling prices and 
therefore they would be able to live better and better, year 
by year, at less and less cost. Such people, and those who 
depend upon them, are they who are working assiduously 
to prevent the manufacture on the part of the government 
of more money and at the present time they are having 
their own way about the matter. 

14. The Panic of 1857 was brought about by an act of 
Congress demonetizing more than 8200,000,000 of foreign 
coin, which up to February 21, 1857, had been a legal tender, 
under act of Congress, in this country, for all debts, public 
and private, and for no other cause whatever. 

15. The Panic of 1873 was produced by the destruction, 
under the laws of Congress, of more than §1, 300,000,000 of 
paper money and the act of February 12, 1873, which pro- 
hibited the further manufacture of silver into money. The 
destruction of money continued under said acts of Congress 
after that panic commenced until the Bland act was passed 
in 1878, which authorized the manufacture of silver into 
dollars at the rate of not less than two million a month. If 
it had not been for that law what would have been the con- 
dition of the countrv now? No human being can tell. 

16. The Panic of 1893 was made possible by the laws 
enacted by Congress concerning money since April 12, 1866. 
The question is. What produced the panic of 1893? Many 
say it was "want of confidence," " fear of tariff legislation," 
" Democratic ascendancy and incompetency " and "fear oi 
destroying the tariff or changing it in such a way as to de- 
stroy protected interests." All such statements are the 
merest twaddle. Everybody has confidence in money, but 



448 MONEY. 

nobody seems to have had confidence in property, for 
the simple reason that properly was constantly falling in 
price. All the propeity in the country was ready to be ex- 
changed for money, and everybody seemed to be anxious 
to get money, but was unable to do so. The manufacturer 
could not employ men because he had no money with 
which to pay them. He was perfectly willing to manufac- 
ture, but he was unable to sell his products when manu- 
factured, because the consumer had no money to buy his 
products. There was an abundance of labor. Men were 
willing and anxious to work, but there was no money with 
which to pay them, and, therefore, they were idle. Mer- 
chants were anxious and willing to sell their wares, but 
they could not do so because the people had no money with 
which to purchase them. What was the trouble then? 
Simply and solely a scarcity of money ! It was stated upon 
every band that there was just as much money in the 
country as ever. This statement was not true ; but if it were 
true, it does not follow that there was enough money, or 
that the shortage of money had not produced this condition. 

17. The Panic of 1893 was doubtless caused by the 
fear of the working of the Sherman Silver-Purchasing Act 
of 1890. By this act the national government was com- 
pelled to purchase a certain amount of silver each month, 
and to issue silver certificates for the bullion thus brought 
into the national treasury. It was feared that, if these pur- 
chases continued, we would soon be on a silver basis. 
There were, perhaps, many other minor causes for the panic, 
but the fundamental cause was. in this, as in others, the dis- 
turbing influence of doubt as to the medium of exchange. 

18. The Evil Results of the Panic of 1893. — Run on 
banks caused many of them to fail, factories and machine- 
shops closed, or run on short time. Workmen were thrown 
out of employment. All the sufferings common to all 
panics fell on the nation. The depressing effects of this 
panic dragged its slow length along for several years. 

19. The Panic of 1893 the Same as 1873.— The panic of 
1893 is simply a continuation of the panic of 1873. The panic 
of 18'J3 was produced in the same way that all other panics 
are produced, viz.: By taking out of circulation a large 
volume of money; nothing moreornothingless. Thenucstion 
is how was it done? Easy enouLjh! The quantity of money 
in this country is so small that the reiiremcnt of a small 
amount from circulation would produce a panic at any time. 
Indeeii, lor years panics have been averted by the Secretary 
of the ireasury from time to time coming to the relief of 



DIMENSIONS OF ALL THE GOLD AND SILVER. 449 

Wall Street and paying out of the treasury larpc sums of 
money to assist the banks and moneyed men in Wall street 
in their financial troubles. Was this paternalism? If not, 
what was it ? 

20. Value of All Property. ^It is estimated thatthe value 
of all the property of this country, real, personal and mixed, is 
about 864,000,000',000. It is safe to say that the price of all 
this property has shrunken since January 1, 189S, as a con- 
sequence of this financial panic not less than 810,000,000,000, 
and possibly a great deal more, saying nothing of the loss 
of wealth that might have been created by the millions of 
men who have been forced out of employment since the 
panic commenced. 

Dimensions of All the Gold and Silver 

in the World or Proportions 

of the Metals. 

1. Gold and Silver. — We find on authority of the direct- 
or of the United States mint that all the gold (coin and 
bullion) in the world in 1890, available for money, was less 
than $3,900,000,000, or in weight 188,651,368 ounces. Also 
that all of the silver (coin and bullion) so available was 
practically §3,820,000,000 or, 2,954,558,290 ounces. 

There are therefore in existence practically (less than) 16 
ounces of silver for each ounce of gold, and, at this ratio 
less than $80,000,000 difference between the total values of 
the two metals. 

2. Both Metals Equally Imperishable.— The silver 
man says, both metals being equally imperishable antl 
otherwise fitted for use as the basis of more convenient 
money than either, is it right and healthy that gold should 
be double in purchasing power, while silver, the world-wide 
money metal of the middle and poorer classes, is robbed of 
its money value and debased? 

3. Bulk.— But what of the alleged overbulkiness of 
silver? All of the gold in the world available for money, 
cast in a solid block, would scarcely equal a cube of 22 feet, 
while all the silver so available would make a solid cube of 
but 66 feet, neither one very large, and the accompanying 
sketch not only disposes of the "bulk" bugaboo, but sug- 
gests several pertinent questions — for instance: 

Which, a national currency based upon the smaller cube 
(gold) or one sustained by both cubes (gold and silver), would 
be the most stable, elastic, and least readily cornered and 
speculated with? 



450 



DIMENSION'S OF ALL THE COI.D AND SILVER. 



DIAIEN5I0NS OF ALL flOLD AND SILVER IN THE 

WORLD AVAILABLE FOR MONEY IF 

CAST IN SOLID CUBES. 





5ILVEQ 



VJew^cC\.t>2,'i54-,558r»10 OuvtttS Igg.fe5\5b8 ouutta 




•0 



CHIEF COINS OF THE UNITED STATES. 451 





The First United States Coins 1783. Silver 
Weight. 1 10 Grains. 

Chief Coins of the United States. 

The dollar is the unit of the United States. 

The United States has six gold coins, as follows: 

The eagle, value $10; the double-eagle, authorized by 
act of Congress, March 3, 1849; the half-eagle, act of Con- 
gress, 1837; the $3 piece, act of 1853; quarter-eagle, act of 
January, 1837; and the SI piece, act of Congress, March 3, 
1849. 

The eagle, half-eagle and quarter 'sagle were first author- 
ized by act of Congress, 1792. *■ 

The gold dollar, being so small as to be inconvenient, is 
used for specimens only. This coin was largely issued in 
1849, when there was a great influx of gold from California. 

Our silver coins are as follows: 

The dollar, act of 1837; the half-dollar, act of 1853, and 
legal tender not exceeding $5; the quarter-dollar, also legal 
tender not exceeding S5; the dime and half-dime, legal 
tender not exceeding $1. The three-cent piece, legal tender 
for 30 cents, proved too small for convenient use, as did the 
half-dime. 

The twenty-cent piece was too near the size of a quarter 
of a dollar, and its coinage was discontinued. 

The first silver dollar of the United States was authorized 
by act of Congress, 1792, and coined in 1796. The half- 
dollar and quarter-dollar were first authorized in 1792. 

The 5-cent piece of the United States is made of copper 
and nickel, authorized by act of May, 1866, legal tender 
to the amount of a dollar. 

The cent is 88 per cent, copper and 12 per cent, nickel, 
authorized by act of 18.j7. 

The two-cent piece, same date, is legal tender to the 
amount of 20 cents; the one-cent to the value of lU cents. 



452 STOCK OF GOLD AND SILVER. 

STOCK OF GOLD AND SILVER IN THE UNITED STATES. 



Fiscal year 
ended 


Population. 


Total Coin and Bullion. 


Per Capita. 


June 30. 


Gold. 


Siher. 


Cold. 


SUVCT. 

80.15 

2.96 
7.39 
8.16 
8.70 
9.20 
9.13 
8.97 
8.81 
8.70 
8.56 
8.38 
8.42 
8.50 
8.48 
8.38 


Touii. 


1873 


41,077,000 
50,155,783 
62,022.250 
63,975,000 
05.520.000 
06.940,000 
68,397,000 
69,878.000 
71.390,000 
72,937,000 
74,.522,000 
76.14.S,000 
70,891,000 
77,754,000 
79,117,000 
80,847,000 


$135,000,00 

351,841,206 

095 503,029 

040,582,852 

064,275,335 

597,097,085 

027,293,201 

030,229,825 

599,597,904 

090,270,542 

801,514,780 

902,805,505 

1,034.439,204 

1.124.052,818 

1,192,395,007 

1,249.552.7.50 


$6,149,305 
148,522,078 
403,211,919 
522,277,740 
570,313,544 
015.801,484 
024,347,7.57 
025,854,949 
628,728,071 
034,509,781 
037.072,743 
039,286,743 
047,371,030 
001,205,403 
070,540,105 
077,448.933 


$3.23 

7.01 

11.10 

10.10 

10.15 

8.93 

9.18 

9.10 

8.40 

9.55 

11.56 

12.63 

13.45 

14.47 

15.07 

1545 


$3.38 


1880 

1890 


9.97 
18.49 


1891 . 


18.28 


1892 


18.85 


1893 


18.13 


1894 

1895 


18.31 
18.07 


1896..._ _. 

1897 


17.21 
18.25 


1898 


20.12 


1899 

1900 

1901 


21.01 
21.87 
22.97 


1902 


23.55 


1903 


23. .s3 



GOLD AND SILVER COINAGE IN THE UNITED STATES. 
By calendar years. 



Yi:.AR. 



1873 

1874 

1875 

1876 

1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 

1884 

1885 

1886 

1887 

1888 

1889 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1805. 

1896. 

1897.. 

1898... 

1899... 

1900.... 

1901.... 

1902., 



Gold. 



$.57,022,748 
35.254.1)30 
32.951.940 
40.579,453 
43.999. S04 
49,780.052 
39,080.080 
02,308.279 
96,850,890 
05,887.085 
29,241,990 
23,991,750 
27,773,012 
28,945.542 
23,972.383 
31.380.808 
21,413.931 
20.407.1S2 
29,222,005 
34,787,223 
50,997,020 
79,546, U>0 
59,610,358 
47,053,000 
70.028,485 
77,985.757 
111,344.220 
99.272,942 
101,735,188 
47.184.932 
43,(iS3,9:0 



SUver. 



$4,024,748 
0,851,777 
15,347,893 
24.503.308 
28,393,045 
28,518,850 
27,509,770 
27,411,094 
27,940,104 
27,973,132 
29,246,968 
28,534.860 
28.902,176 
32,080,709 
35,191,081 
33.025,006 
35,490,083 
39,202,908 
27,518,857 
12,641,078 
8,802,797 
9,200,351 
5,098,010 
23.089.899 
18.487.207 
23,034,033 
20,001,520 
30,295,321 
30.838,401 
30,028, IhT 
19,>r4,440 



PR©DUCT OF GOLB AND 9K-VER. ^53 

PRODUCT OF GOLD AND SILVERJNITHE UNITED STATES. , 



Approximate distribution, by producing states and territories, for the calendar 
year 1902 as estimated by the director of the mint. 





GOLD. 


SILVER.! 


Total 


Slate or 
Territory. 






(commer- 
cial value 
silver.) 


Fine 
ounces. 


Value. 


Fine 
ounces. 


Coining 
value. 


Cotn mer- 
cial value. 


Alabama .. 


119 


$ 2,500 


100 


$ 129 


$ 53 


$ 2,.553 


Alaska 


403.730 


8,345,800 


92,000 


118,950 


48,700 


8,394,500 


Arizona .... 


198,933 


4,112,300 


3,043,100 


3,934,513 


1,012,843 


5,725,143 


California. 


812,319 


10,792,100 


900,800 


1,104.671 


477,424 


17,209.524 


Colorado .. 


1,377,175 


28,408,700 


15,076.000 


20,207,900 


8,308,280 


36.776,970 


Georgia .... 


4,730 


97.800 


400 


517 


212 


98,012 


Idaho 


71,352 


1,475,000 


5.8.54,800 


7,569,842 


3,103,044 


4,578,044 


Maryland.. 


121 


2,500 








2, .500 








ii(j,80b 
13,243,800 


143,2.57 
17,125,297 


58,724 
7,019,214 


58,724 


Montana .. 


211,571 


4,373,000 


11,392,814 


Nevada .... 


140,059 


2,895,300 


3,740,200 


4,843,572 


1,985,480 


4,880,786 


New Mex.. 


25,093 


531,100 


457,200 


591,127 


242,316 


773,410 


N. C 


4,390 


90,700 


20,900 


27,022 


11,077 


101,777 


Oregon 


87.881 


1,810,700 


93.. 390 


120,630 


49,449 


1,866,149 


S. C 


5.896 
330.952 


112,900 
6,905,400 


300 
340,200 


388 
439,855 


1.59 
180,300 


122,059 


S. Dak 


7,145,700 


Tennessee 






12,308 

440,200 

10,831,700 

5,900 


15,903 

570.905 

14,004,622 

7,028 


0,519 

230,480 

5,740.801 

3,127 


6,519 








236,486 


Utah 


173,886 
148 


3,594,500 
3,100 


9,335,301 


Virginia .... 


6,227 


Wash 


13,100 


272,200 


619,000 


800,323 


328,070 


600,270 


Wyoming.. 


1,879 


38,800 


5,000 


6,464 


2,0,50 


41,450 


Total .... 


3,870,000 


80,000,000 


.55,.500.000 


71,757,.575 


29,415.000 


109,415,000 



CIRCULATION OF MONEY OF ALL KINDS IN THE UNITED STATE4. 



JUNE 30 


'Amount. 


Per 

capita 


JUNE 30. 


Amounts 


Per 

capita. 


1873 


$751,881,809 


$18.04 


1889 


SI. 380. 30 1.049 


$22.52 


1874 


770,083,031 


18.13 


1890 


1,429.251,270 


22.82 


1875 


754,101,947 


17.16 


1891 


1,497,440,707 


23.41 


1870 


727,009,388 


16.12 


1892 


1,601,347,187 


24.44 


1877 


722,314,883 


15.,58 


1893 


1,590,701,245 


23.87 


1878 


- 729,132,0.34 


15.32 


1894 


1,604,061,2.32 


24.33 


1879 


818,031,793 


10.75 


1895 


1,000,179,550 


23.02 


1880 


973,382.228 


19.41 


1890 


1,. 500, 03 1,020 


21.10 


1881 


1,114,238,119 


21.71 


1897 


1,040,028,246 


22..57 


1882 


1,174,290,419 


22.37 


1898 


1,843,435,749 


24.74 


1883 


1,230,305,096 


22.91 


1899 


1,932,484,239 


25.38 


1884 


1,243.925,969 


22.65 


IQOe 


2,062,425,496 


20.50 


1885 


1.292,508,615 


23.02 


1901 


2,177,266.280 


28.00 


1886 


1.252,700,525 


21.82 


1902 


2,246.529,412 


28.40 


1887 


1,317,539.143 


22.45 


1903 


2.370.323.210 


29.3t 


1888 


1,372,170,870 


22.88 


1904 


2,521,151.527 


30.g0 



454 



GOVERXMEXT RECEIPTS AND EXPEKDITTRES. 



RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OF THE GOVERNMENT (1892 1904.) 
REVENUE BY FISCAL YEARS. 













Excess of 


YEAR 


Customs. 


InlcTiial 


Miscel- 


Total 


revenue over 






rcxcnue. 


laneous. 


revenue. 


ordinary ex- 
pendilures. 


1892... 


$177,4.')2,9(J4 


$153,971,072 


$20,251,872 


$354,397,784 


$9,914,454 


1893... 


203,355,017 


101,027.024 


18,253,898 


38.),818,029 


2,341,074 


1894... 


131,818,531 


147,111,232 


17,118,018 


297.722,019 


*09,803,2t)O 


1895... 


152,158,017 


143,421,072 


10,700,438 


313,390,075 


*42,805,223 


ISOti... 


100,021,751 


140,702,804 


19.180,000 


320,970,200 


♦25.203.245 


1897.. 


170,554,120 


146,008,774 


23.014,422 


347,721,905 


* 18.052,2.54 


1S9S.. 


149,575,002 


170,900,641 


83,602..501 


405.321,335 


*38.047,247 


l.S!"9 


200,128,148 


273,437,161 


34,716,730 


515,900.620 


♦89. Ill, .5,59 


1900 . 


233,104,871 


295,327,920 


35,911,170 


567,240,851 


79,527.060 


19ni .. 


238,585,450 


307,180,004 


41,919,218 


587,685,338 


77,717.984 


1902.... 


254,444,708 


271,880,122 


36,1.53,403 


562,478,233 


92.1.37.587 


1903.... 


284.479,.582 


230.810.124 


45,106,968 


560,396,674 


54,297,667 


1904... 


262.013.079 


232,873,721 


40,028,844 


541,515.644 


41,079,601 



♦Expenditures ia excess of revenue. 



EXPENDITURES BY FISC.\L YE.\RS.* 



1892 
1893 
1894 
1895 
1,890 
1897 
1898 
1899 
1900 
1901 
1902 
1903 
1904 



Civil 
and Mis- 
cellaneous. 



$99,846,988 

103,732,799 

101,943,730 

93,279,730 

87,210,234 

90,401,207 

90,520,-505 

119,191,2.55 

105,773,190 

122,30.5,571 

113,409,324 

124,944,290 

180,805,038 



War 

depart- 
ment. 



$46,895 

49.041 

54, .507 

51,804 

.50,830 

48 950 

91,992 

229,841 

134,774 

143,740 

112,272 

118,(il9 

115,153 



450 
,773 
930 
,759 
,920 
207 
000 
254 
707 
433 
217 
520 
498 



Navy 
depart- 
ment. \ 



Pensions. 



$29 
30, 
31, 
28, 
27, 
34, 
58. 
03, 
55, 
01, 
07, 
82, 

102, 



.174 
130, 
701, 
797, 
147, 
.501, 
823, 
942, 
9.53, 
339, 
803, 
018. 
942, 



139 $134,583 



084 

294 

795 

7321 

540 

067 

104 

07 

449 

128 

034 



159,35 

141.177 

141,395 

139,434 

141,053 

147,452 

139,394 

140,877 

139,312, 

138,488, 

138,42,5 



Interest 

on public 

debt. 



003:3142,558 



,053 

.585 

,2851 
228| 
000 
104i 
308 1 
929 
310 
.527 
500 
040 
008 ! 



$23 

27 
27 
30 
35 
37, 
37, 
39. 
40, 
32, 
29. 
28 
24, 



Total ordi- 
nary ex- 
penditures. 



,378.110; 

,204,392 
,841,400* 
978,030 
385,02,8 
791,110 
585.050 
890,925 
100333 
447.274 
108,045 
.550,349 
041,121 



$345,023 330 
383.477,954 
30.5,195,298 
350,195,290 
352,179,448 
305,774,159 
443,368,582 
605,072,179 
487,713,791 
510,038.701 
471,190,858 
500,099.007 
582..595,245 



♦The expenditure for Indians, which is an average of eleven and one-half 
milliuud yearly, is nut given in ttiu Ubie, but is included in the lotiii expenditures. 



HISTORY OF GOLD AND SILVER LEGISLATION. 455 

A Complete History of Gold and 

Silver Legislation in the 

United States. 

1. England's Double Standard. — When the Puritans 
came to Massachusetts Bay in I60O, England alone of all the 
nations of Europe was endeavoring to maintain the double 
standard. In all continental countries silver was the 
accepted standard. England struggled for years with 
bimetallic difficulties in its attempt to sustain the two metals. 
In 1798 the coinage of silver was suspended and the recep- 
tion of silver to be coined prohil)ited. Gold becomes the 
single standard of a country when the mints are closed to 
private coinage of other metals, and consequently the gold 
standard was formally adopted in 181t). 

Silver is still legal tender in Great Britain, but only to 
the amount of £2. 

2. Bimetallism in the United States. — The experience 
of the government of the United States with bimetallism 
during the first eighty years of its history was somewhat 
similar to that of France. It had a theoretical double stand- 
ard, but was practically monometallic. The two political 
enemies, Hamilton and Jefferson, agreed that both metals 
should be used, and that the ratio should be lo to 1. Both 
metals were agreed upon, because gold and silvei had been 
the money metals of the world. 

3. Silver Monometallism. — The first coinage act of this 
country was passed in 1792, but the first silver was actually 
coined in 1794. From 1792 to 18o4 we really had silver 
monometallism under a double standard. Gold disap- 
peared from circulation. Specie payments were suspended 
in 1814 and metallic money was practically unknown. 

4. Gold Monometallism.— From 1834 to 1873 wc have 
practically had gold monometallism under a double 
standard. In 1834 a movement began in the interest of 
gold. Congress changed the ratio from 15 to 1 to 16 to 1. 
Silver became the more valuable metal and disappe;ire<l 
from circulation. Silver coins were exported largely from 
this country. 

5. Act of 1873. ^When the act of 1873 was passed 
extraordinary movements affecting currency were going on 
everywhere. Silver had been demonetized b^'fore that tmie. 
That act was a mert? formal decl;ir*lion of a f.ict. Atttrr 
1kT3 and until 187iS the country was not only in fact but in 
law on a gold basis. 



456 HISTORY OF GOLD AND SILVER LEGISLATIOK. 

6. Silver Interests Advanced.— Gold was the native 
product that appealed successfully to Congress for pro- 
tection, but for various reasons by 1876 silver was becoming 
the national metal. In that year Colorado was admitted 
as a state. The silver interests thus secured two senators 
in Congress. One of these was Henry M. Teller, who is 
still a member of the body, and is an able and experienced 
advocate of the cause of' the free coinage of silver. The 
Bland bill, passed in 1878, provided for the coinage of not 
less than $2,000,000 worth of silver bullion or not more than 
$4,000,000 worth "at the market price thereof, the bullion to 
be coined into 412>< grain dollars.'' Free coinage was 
defeated. President Hayes vetoed the bill, but on the same 
day that he vetoed it both houses passed it over his veto. 
Under this act the treasury never coined more than $2,000,- 
000 worth of silver a month. 

7. Bill of Free Coinage.— The friends of silver were 
not satisfied. They insisted that the government should do 
something more for their favorite metal. On June 17, 1890, 
the senate passed a free coinage bill by a vote of 42 to 2.S. 
The house did not concur and there was a compromise 
measure agreed upon by a conference committee, which 
became a law, known as the Sherman act. This law 
required the monthly purchase of 4,.")00,000 ounces, and the 
coinage every month of 2,000,000 ounces of the bullion so 
purchased until July 1, 1891. After that, bars were to be 
coined for the redemption of the legal tender treasury 
notes authorized by the act. The act recited further that 
it was the "established policy of the United States to main- 
tain the two metals on a parity with each other." 

8. Effect of Sherman Act.— The operations of the Sher- 
man law were quickly felt. Holders of American securities 
became alarmed, lest they would be obliged to accept pav- 
ment in silver, and a general hoarding and exportation 
of gold followed. The business disaster which followed 
the loss of confidence in our securities and inevitably in 
each other, and in everything else that usually commanf'.s 
the respect of business men, will not so speedily and readily 
be disposed of as desired. 

9. Repeal of Sherman Act.— Congresswascalled together 
in the summer of 181X5 tor the purpose of repealing the Sher- 
man act. After many vexatious delays, involving disaster 
and loss to the business interests of the country, a bill 
was passed unconditionally repealing the purchasing clause 
of the law. 

10. Bimetallism not Practical. —Thus, from 1792 to 187;^, 
the country e.xpcrimcntcd with a nominal double sUndird. 



LEGAL TENDER. 457 

Since 187S there has been a single standard, but since 1878 
more silver has been in use than in the old days of the 
double standard, when the silver dollar was worth 103 cents 
and would not circulate, and, therefore, the cheaper 100-cent 
gold dollar drove it out. That is the weakness of the double 
standard. If the two metals are not tied together so closely 
that they do not pull apart, one is sure to get the better 
of the other. As they have equal debt-paying power the 
cheaper metal will be given the preference for that pur- 
pose, and will drive the other out, as gold did silver. The 
only way to prevent that, and keep both in circulation, 
is for the government to guarantee that the coins of the 
cheaper metal shall be redeemed in the other if desired, 
and thus kept at a parity. Whether a government can give 
such a guarantee with safety depends on the number of coins 
and the extent of the divergence in values. This govern- 
ment will not guarantee to redeem innumerable 50-cent 
silver dollars in gold dollars, and if it permitted the former 
to be coined, without a guarantee, all the gold would dis- 
appear at once. 

II. Reflections.— These developments raise the point 
as to whether the whole question of bimetallism as com- 
pared with a single standard either of gold or silver, is not 
being satisfactorily answered by the course of events out- 
side of legislation. From now on the offi ;es of legislation 
are two— either so to adapt the administrative functions as 
to effectuate the rapidly developing unwritten law of com- 
merce, and thus to keep a people at the very fore front of 
civilization; or, either to refuse thus to serve it, or to ob- 
struct it in serving itself, thereby keeping it at an increas- 
ing disadvantage. We must look to commercial develop- 
ment rather than to legislative, for signs which are to frame 
our expectations. 



Legal Tender. 

The term " legal tender " is a technical expression sig- 
nifying that which the law prescribes to be paid or tendered 
in order to discharge a debt, satisfy a judgment, fulfill a 
money contract or pay taxes. 

The very object of a legal tender law must necessarily 
be to establish a fixed measure or standard by which the 
value repaid or returned may be compared with and made 
equal to the value received. Hence, when a law gives legal 
tender force to several kinds of money, these kinds of 
money must always be preserved at equal value, for If they 



458 16 TO 1. 

ar« not so preserved the nature of the legal tender law i« 
violated and its object defeated. 

The Motor of Industry is not money but moneys 
worth, not the dollar but the dollar's worth, not the name of 
the coin but its value; equality of value not the same sub- 
stance is what justice asks. 



What *'i6 to r' Heans. 

People who do not keep themselves closely informed upon 
current political discussion, sometimes ask what is meant 
by the phrase, " 16 to 1," so often heard nowadays, in con- 
nection with financial discussions. We append a brief ex- 
planation. 

The standard gold dollar of the United Slates weighs 
25.8 grains, and nme tenths of this, or 23.22 grains is pun- 
gold. The standard silver dollar weighs 412.5 grains, and 
nine tenths of this, or 371.25 grains, is pure silver. Divid- 
ing the 371.25 grains of pure silver in a silver dollar by 
23.22, the pure gold in a gold dollar gives 15.98 or (practi- 
cally) 16, the ratio in weight of the two metals used. 

The term " }'<!) to 1 " means that the pure silver in the 
standard dollar weighs about sixteen times as much as the 
pure gold in the gold dollar. 

One man said he was in favor of it because, as he under- 
stood it, every time the government coined a gold dollar 
they coined sixteen silver dollars. That was his idea. Now, 
•' 16 to 1 " simply means this: That the value of an 
ounce of gold shall by law be equal to the value of sixteen 
ounces of silver. It means that weight by weight a gold 
dollar will weigh one-sixteenth as much as a silver dollar. 
If you want to change the ratio you can either put more 
silver into the dollar or take some gold out of the gold dol- 
lar. That is a thing that is fixed by law. 

At the time of the establishment of the United States 
mint Congress agreed that the ratio between gold and sil- 
ver should be as between fifteen pounds to one pound, this 
being at that time the relative value of tlie two metals. It 
was subsequently found that this ratio gave too high a value 
to silver It was accordingly changed in 1834 to 10 to 1, Hy 
this action Congress jumped on the other side of the stream. 
In European countries the ratio had been fixed at 15>2 to I. 
As a result the silver owners of the United States shipped 
all their product to Europe for coinage, and until l?57.'i, 
when the revision of the coinage laws was nude, only abwui 
a,000,000 silver dollars had been coined. 




WILLIAM J. BRYAN, 

P^TOPCfatic Cftfl<lidiate fpr Prejaide^fc, 1896 and I9Q<» 

Ch*xnp«o« of Free Silver, 

"No CrowQ of Tliyf«3, No Cross of GoiU.' 



460 



FREE COINAGE. 



Under the Bland-Allison act 400,000.000 silver dollars 
were coined, and these, added to the notes issued under the 
Sherman act, make the total amount of silver in our cur- 
rency more than $500,000,000, all on a 16 to 1 ratio. 

At the present time the value of the silver in the mar- 
kets of the world is about thirty pounds of the white metal to 
one of gold. Our people would, therefore, under the ratio 
of 16 to 1 have 53-cent dollars, which might circulate for 
their face value in the United States, but which would only 
be accepted at their bullion value abroad. 



Free Coinage. 

But there is another matter involved in the present cur- 
rency discussion which is of still more importance than the 
ratio. That is the question of the " free coinage " of silver. 
By free coinage, is meant the right of the owner of any 
money metal to take the same to a government mint and 
have it coined into money, or what amounts to the same 
thing, to exchange it for money at the legal coinage ratio. 
Formerly, the law gave this right to all owners of both gold 
and silver bullion, but in 1873 this law was repealed so far 
as it applied to silver, so that the privilege of "free coin- 
age " now applies to gold alone. 

We have the free coinage of gold now. That simply 
means that if you have a piece of gold bullion you can take 
it to the mint and have it converted into gold and the gold 
will be handed back to you. Now, what we mean by free 
coinage is to give silver the same rights you give to gold. 
If a man has a silver bullion let him take the bullion to 
the mint, have it converted into coin, and let him take his 
silver dollar back with him. That is what free coinage means. 

Since 1878, the silver money of the United States has 
been coined from silver purchased by the government in 
the open market. The " free coinage" advocates demand 
that the mints shall be open to gold and silver alike. 

So when a man says he is in favor of " free coinage at a 
ratio of 16 to 1," he means that he wants the government to 
coin into lawful money, all the gold and silver bullion that 
may be offered at the mint, and at such a proportion that 
there will be sixteen times as much (by weight) of pure silver 
in a silver dollar as there is of pure gold in a gold dollar. 

Unlimited coinage means that there shall be no legal 
restriction upon the amount of gold or silver that will be 
coined. In other words, that the amount shall depend, not 
upon the legislation, but upon the amount of bullion brought 
to the mint. 



SILVER DEMONETIZATION. 461 

Bimetallism. 

Bimetallism is simply the use of two metals instead of 
one, and a ratio at which they are coined is a question to be 
settled by law. Bimetallism may exist at any ratio. It 
has existed at different ratios from time to tmie. The ratio 
is to be fixed by the government for the benefit of the peo- 
ple, who must use money. The present ratio is 16 to 1. 

Bimetallism means that you use two metals at any ratio 
and thus give to both metals equal privileges at the mint. 



Silver Demonetization. 

In 1853 Congress passed a law making the silver dollar 
a legal tender for five dollars only. At that time the silver 
dollar was more valuable than the gold dollar. In 1873 a 
law was passed totally demonetizing silver, except as used 
in the smaller coins ; that is, there was to be no more free 
coinage of silver dollars. 

The change was the more easily made as neither gold 
nor silver circulated at the time, greenbacks being the 
basis of all values in the United States. 

About the same time Germany demonetized silver. A 
few years later France and the Latin Union stopped the 
coinage of silver, but did not demonetize it. England has 
had the single gold standard since 1816. 

Most people believe in bimetallism, but differ as to the 
best method of reaching and sustaining it. 

The free silver people think the old free silver law should 
be restored. Others reply that the silver dollar would 
become the standard of value, and gold would be at a 
premium, or would disappear altogether as money. In 
that case the creditor would be compelled to receive what 
is due him in </t'preciated money. This would be as unjust 
as to make the debtor pay in a/ipreciated money. 

In reply, the free silver people say, that, if the mints be 
opened to free coinage, the silver dollar would become as 
valuable as the gold dollar, because the gold dollar would 
then decrease and the silver increase until the coins would 
become approximately equal in purchasing power. 

The two classes of thinkers agree that both gold and 
silver are needed to meet the demands of the commercial 
world. But the problem is to place the two metals on an 
absolute equality before the law, and, at the same time, 
maintain a single standard of values, which standard shall 
be the dollar whose commercial value, as bullion, is the 
greater. In due time this problem will be solved. 



462 THE VOLUME OF MONEY. 

The Volume of Money. 

1. Two Theories. — Much controversy exists as to 
what volume of money should be maintained in the United 
States. How much money is necessary for our prosperity. 
There are two theories — one called the "per capita require- 
ment," which is, in effect, that the volume of money in a 
country should increase in proportion as the increase in the 
total number of inhabitants; the second theory is, that the 
volume or amount of currency should increase with in- 
creased wealth. 

2. The Per Capita Theory. — If this is the true theory 
then let us first inquire whether there really is, or can be, any 
relation between the number of people in a country and the 
amount of money, coins and notes, existing at any particular 
time. If there is no such relation then how can this theory 
stand? The table on the opposite page may aid us in this 
inquiry. 

This table conclusively shows that no such relation of 
currency to population exists. If it does not exist in coun- 
tries, it requires no great powers of reasoning to conclude 
that it also fails when applied to smaller communities, the 
state, the city, the town, the house. 

3. Makes Money Plentiful. — Many people favor this 
theory, for as the population increases there is an argu- 
ment for increasea issues of money by the government, 
and they think if money is plentiful prosperity is promoted. 
Simply making money plentiful cannot influence an in- 
creased demand for any man's labor or products. A mer- 
chant may have thousands ot men of wealth passing his 
store every day without selling them anytliing, while he 
may be doing a paying business with the laborers and men 
of gmall means. As the money in the pockets of the wealthy 
in this case brings no prosperity to the merchant, so money 
lying in the bans or in the treasury will bring prosperity to 
no man. 

4. Confidence Weakened. — An unnecessary increase in 
the amount of currency tends to unsettle values and disturbs 
trade. The money-lender becomes fearful and withholds 
bis money from circulation and people say it is scarce again. 

5. No Limit. — .\t this rate the government that con- 
tinually iacroasei the volume of money without very good 
reasons will always be urged to increase its currency so as 
to have better times. Such a government migiit find itself 
like a horse going down hill with a load but without 
brakes ou the wagon, he goes faster and faster with every 
step, but at tht" same liuie incroftsesi the speed that is driv- 
ing him to ruin. 



THE VOLUME OF MONEY. 



4fi3 









.5-0 S 



;^ 



^"> ^ o 

S S c 

3 ft O O 

^ E. p 



■1 <* 

o* 

-.c 

«> !" ''' 

ft |U 

T tr r^ 
D"^ o 

ft 



e o 

IS 

5' 

D 

& 



< 

ft 

U5 






ft 



ft 

•O 3 
ft ft 

p ft ff s-o 

-.p o ft i^ft 
S p "■ 



c 
•n 
o 



8 



ns 



ft cr 

p -t 
ii- n> 

p "^ 

'^' o 
'< 2. 

P>5 

a ft 

g-ft 

a p 
So 

»-»■ 



o 

c 



p 

£■5 



5 ►*< 
in 



^ c 2.5 2?. 5.^—2 3 E.B. 

^ - C f' <5 
g g S && 

P- • (KICK 



N^ -"3 



rt-. rc rf-. tc*^ M rf^ -J ccj^ C5^ ( 



o ft 



5i>_. tc w OS *^ >-' o w to to 2; to 

g Is s s sg g § s § § § g 8 8 



_ _: O OC . 

cooooocoooooooi; 



;co£oo 



l_ !_. to*;!—* 

tb. CntOtOCEI-'MCnH-Oi-ftO 

00 cn 1^ t-* 05 '— **05Ut o**5^ t^ t^ ^ 

oV OD-ccb; 22 22 SSi Si's ?S 
c o o o o o o op pp CO _ p 

SSSiSSSSSSSSSsS 



tn t-i t-t *^ t^ *; 

O CT C. CO V ^. Ul .^ d -.J ^^ Oc X ^^^ 



SsSoSSopepoppp 

S3=3=;=t5'°^?--oo5ooo 
iSeiooooooooo 



^ 

tiOIH^MO'CoaoMOiCsOOtO'— *»«o 

~ ^ 






O 
O 

a 






DO 

f K 



CO 



02 



P3 O 



Gold— PEE 
Capitju 



Sil\t;r— PEK 
Capita. 



£jrt*:5S£iu>coO=iOc.-tiO 



Paper— PEB 
Capita- 



— — — ST 

sssssssssssssss 



BankCked- 

1T8 — PEE 

Capita. 



X) 

o 



n 

c 





1 
ft 


o 

o 

c 


a 
n 


a 


•— • 




a 


•-• 

ft 






ft 




> 


f^ 


Cffi 


ft 


1 


<5 


crq 


< 


v> 






•o 

ft 

o 






Total— PEB 
Capita. 



464 SOUND MONEY. 

Sound Money. 

Hon. John G. Carlisle, Secretary of the Treasury, deliv- 
ered a speech on sound money at the Auiiitorium, Chicago, 
April 1'), 189G, from which we quote the following: 

1. Affects Poor Man.— It is the poor man, and the man 
of moderate means, the man who has not been fortunate 
enough to accumulate property or money, but who depends 
upon his wages, or upon the products of his own labor, 
for the means of supporting himself and his family, that 
always feels the lirst and most disastrous effects of a busi- 
ness or industrial depression, no matter whether it results 
from a depreciated and fluctuating currency or from other 
causes. 

2. Labor His Capital. — Such a man has nothing to dis- 
pose of but his labor, and nothing with which to support 
himself or his family but the wages or the proceeds of his 
own labor, and any policy that even temporarily suspends 
or obstructs the industrial progress of the country, by dimin- 
ishing the demand for the products of labor, or by impairing 
the capacity or disposition of capital to employ labor, must 
be injurious to his interests, and must intiict more or less 
suffering upon all who are dependent upon him. 

3. Labor Must be Steady.— Labor cannot be hoarded; 
the idle day is gone forever; lost wages are never reim- 
bursed; and therefore steady employment and good pay 
in good money are essential to the comfort and happiness 
of the American laborer and his wife and children, and he 
will be unfaithful to himself and to them if he does not 
insist upon the adoption and maintenance of such a policy 
as will most certainly preserve the value and stability 
of all our currency, and promote the regular and profit- 
able conduct of all our industrial enterprises. 

4. Financial Depression Brings Ruin.— He cannot pros- 
per when the country is in distress, when its industries are 
prostrated, its commerce paralyzed, its credit broken down, 
or its social order disturbed; nor can he prosper when the 
fluctuations of the currency are such that he cannot certainly 
know the value of the dollar in which his wages are paid, 
or estimate in advance the cost of the necessaries of life. 

5. Silver Advocates.— Their naked proposition is that 
tne United Slates shall coin, at the public expense, for the 
exclusive benefit of the individuals and corporations owning 
the bullion, all the silver that may be presented at the mints 
into dollars worth about 61 or 52 cents, and compel all the 
other people in the country to receive these coins at a valu- 
ation of 100 cents each in the payments of debts due them 
for property sold, for labor, ana services of all kiods. 



SOUND MOKEY. 



4f>5 



6. Currency Contracted.— To say nothing of the gross 
partiality and manifest injustice of such a policy, its imme- 
diate effect would be to contract our currency to the extent 
of about 8620,000,000 by stopping the use of gold as money. 

7. Depreciating Currency. --While the sudden expul- 
sion of $620,000,000 in gold from our stock of money would 
itself be sufficient to create a fmancial disturbance unpar- 
alled in the history of this or any other country, the situation 
would be very greatly aggravated by the fact that the pur- 
chasing power of alT the remainder of our currency would 
be suddenly reduced about one-half; we should have only 
two-thirds as much currency as we have now, and at the 
same time it would be so depreciated in value that it would 
require about twice as much as we have now to transact the 
business of the country, provided there should be any busi- 
ness to transact. 

8. Failure of Double Standard.— The attempt to main- 
tain what is called the double standard of value, that is, the 
attempt to keep the legal tender coins of the two metals, 
gold and silver, in use as money at the same tmie, upon 
the ratio of value fixed by law, has repeatedly been made 
by kings and parliaments in every civilized country in the 
world, and it has failed again and again in every one of 
them; and it requires no gift of prophecy to foresee that it 
must continue to fail so long as self-interest constitutes a 
controlling factor in the business affairs of men. 

9. Value of Money.— Money received for wages, like 
money received on every other account, is valuable only to 
the extent that it can be exchanged for other commodities, 
and it is scarcely necessary to suggest that a dollar worth 
50 cents will not purchase as much in the markets as a 
dollar worth 100 cents. 

10. Affects Past Earnings as Well.— If the solution of 
this question affected only the character and amount and 
purchasing power of the future earnings of the American 
laborer, it would still be a subject of the greatest impor- 
tance to him; but its importance is greatly increased by the 
fact that the safety and value of a very considerable part 
of his past earnings are also involved. The thrifty and 
provident working man, anticipating a time when he may 
be disabled or deprived of employment, has endeavored to 
save something out of his earnings in order to provide for 
the comfort of his wife and children in the future, and has 
laid it away at home or deposited it in a bank or building 
association, or invested it in a life insurance policy, 01 
loaned to some friend in whom he has confidence. 



4C6 FREE SILVER. 

11. BaiiKS and Trust Companies. — The banks, trust 
companies, building associations, and other similar institu- 
tions owe the people of the United States today $5,353,138,- 
521 for money actually deposited, a sura nearly eight times 
greater than the total capital of all the national banks in 
the country; while the life insurance policies held by the 
people in the various kinds of corporations and associations 
and in force today amount to S1U,'213,804,357, a larger sum 
than there has been actually invested in all our railroads, 
and about fifteen times larger than the capital of all the 
national banks. 

12. Means 52 Cents on a Dollar. — In view of these 
facts, which cannot be successfully disputed, I submit that 
you ought seriously to consider all the consequences to 
yourselves and your fellow-citizens before you agree to the 
free and unlimited coinage of legal tender silver at a ratio 
of 16 to 1, in order that these great corporations and associa- 
tions may have the pri\nlege of discharging their debts to 
the people by paying 51 to 52 cents on the dollar, for that 
is exactly what it means. 

13. Utter Ruin. — But if free and unlimited coinage of 
legal tender silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 is established in 
this country a very large part of the money deposited in 
these various kinds of savings institutions will not be repaid 
in depreciated silver, but will be wholly lost, because such 
a reckless monetary system would precipitate a financial 
panic, which very few, if any, of the depositories could sur- 
vive. 

14. Not Possible in America. — It cannot be possible 
that in the closing years of the nineteenth century and in 
this great and free republic, the people themselves, will 
imitate the bad examples set by the corrupt potentates of 
Europe, who have made their names forever odious in his- 
tory by debasing the money of their subjects and robbing 
the industrious poor of the just rewards of their labor. 



Free Silver. 

The following are extracts from a speech delivered by 
Hon. Henry M. Teller, of Colorado, in the Senate of the 
United States, January 22, 1896. 

I. Danger Ahead. — I do not suppose there has ever 
been a time in our history when the productive enterprises 
of the country were less remumerative than at this hour. 



FREE SILVER. <Cu 

But this has been our condition now for a number of years. 
It is morally certain that something is wrong; it is morally 
certain we cannot continue in this condition much longer. 

2. Lack of Confidence.— The President of the United 
States and the Secretary of the Treasury tell us that the en- 
tire difficulty arises from the lack of confidence in the 
money of the country. If that be true, then it behooves us 
to address ourselves'without delay to changing this condi- 
tion and to securing a proper financial system. I do not 
myself, agree that the trouble which has arisen in this coun- 
try has grown out of the distrust of the currency. I deny 
that there is any thing which indicates that the people of 
the United States distrust the money in circulation; and the 
statement so made is opposed to the entire history of money. 

3. No Depreciating Standard.— I do not believe in de- 
preciating money. I believe in a stable money, and I be- 
lieve that money is the best which maintains a uniform 
rate of prices. But if I am to take the two, I shall be in ac- 
cord with the best minds of the people when I say that a 
depreciating standard is indefinitely belter for us than an 
appreciating one. An appreciating standard means a par- 
alysis of business, a cessation of enterprise, a distruction of 
the energies of the country. The other means a stimulus. 
So of the two it is much better that there should be a de- 
preciation than an appreciation. 

4. Mistakes.— Our first mistake was made in 187;?, 
when we deprived ourselves of one half the money metal of 
the world. The next great mistake was when the Bland bill 
came into the Senate from the House of Representatives as 
a free coinage measure, with then a divergency of only 
eight per cent between the silver and the gold in the mar- 
kets of the world, that the Senate did not accept the House 
bill and give the world the benefit of free coinage m the 
United States. If you had done that there would be no sil- 
ver question to trouble the world. If you had done that 
there would be no silver question to trouble you. The 
United States would have taken care of the surplus of silver 
until the silver of the world temporarily depressed by the 
action of Germany, had reached its proper and original 
mint value. 

5. Remedy Needed.— I am not insisting now that there 
is no other remedy except free coinage, although I do not 
believe there is; but I am begging my associates in the 
Senate, who do not believe in free coinage, whether they be 
on this side or the other, to present the American people 
in this hour of their distress some common sense system 
that the honest people of the country will believe is right; 
some system that shall prevent this government from run- 
Q'mg into debtt 



468 THE MONEY QUESTION, 

6. Debt Means Decay.— When a nation runs into debt 
in time of peace it eith«r argues that it has entered upon a 
decay, that it is deteriorating, or it argues that the adminis- 
tration of public affairs is in the hands of incompetent men. 
A national debt is a national curse, and if made in time of 
peace, it is a national disgrace, one that ought to make 
every American blush. A national debt is inevitable if you 
are to maintain the gold standard. 

7. Cost of Gold Standard.— Our gold is being ex- 
ported to Europe and will continue to be so exported. It 
will go in spite of us, and every day we seem to be putting 
ourselves in a worse positii)n than heretofore. If we attempt 
to maintain the gold standard we must maintain it with the 
knowledge of what it is going to cost. I want the American 
people to know what it is going to cost. I do not believe the 
American people understand the danger which threatens 
not only their industrial pursuits, but the very existence 
of this nation as a free people by the gold standard. 



GOOD TIME». 469 

t 

Good Times. 

We all understand in a general way what is meant by 
"good times." But good times never come to all people; 
neither do bad times affect other large classes. Only a 
small part ride either on the crest of prosperity or in the 
trough of adversity. Good and bad times are but the ebb 
and flow of the commercial tide. At times there are the 
mighty ground-swells of prosperity, and again a corre- 
spending recession to adversity. But the grand old ocean 
always seeks its level. 

Agriculture, manufacturing, commercial activity, and in 
fact any and all forms of producing and exchanging valuee, 
we may place under the general head of business. Busi- 
ness in this broader sense rests on four corner stones: 
1, The intellectual activity, business capacity, ingenuity, 
and the life energy of the people ; 2, The medium of ex- 
change, or money ; 3, Credit ; 4, A desire and ability of the 
people to exchange values. 

The first, which varies greatly as between nations, is 
practically a constant factor so far as it relates to any one 
people. We may, therefore, for our present purpose, 
ignore the first. The three great factors, then, that make 
for "good times" are money, credit, and the ability of the 
people to exchange values. 

Conditions which lead money and credit to do their per- 
fect work, will, ordinarily, bring good times. If either, or 
both, be disturbed, the business world is shaken. 

Money; Its Value. — Money has two functions, and it 
must perform both successfully, or disaster will follow. 
All whose mind runs back to the Civil War days will re- 
member how unstable was the greenback dollar, and how 
correspondingly unstable were war-time prices. 

Money should measure values correctly and uniformly, 
or injustice and disaster follow. While cheap money is 
growing more cheap we have "booming" times; but the 
fetal collapse will positively come when the medium of ex- 
change takes its upward flight. So long as the measure of 
values continues to rise, so long wrJl business remain de- 
pressed. When the measure becomes stable, or fixed, then 
comes prosperity, provided other conditions are favorable. 

Money; Its Quantity. — Money is the life-blood of busi- 
ness. Its quality should be as perfect and as stable as 
human ingenuity can make it; fts quantity should be suffi- 
cient to make all exchange of values in business easy, and 
with an equal and uniform circulation; congestion in the 
great money centers is dangerous. 



470 GOOD TIMES. 

Credit.— Confidence is the foundation of credit. Any 
condition which leads to a want of confidence is fatal to 
credit. The greater part of all business is built on credit. 
Were it not for credit, the wheels of coran-.erce would stop. 
When credit begins to fail, business is checked, sales fall 
off, factories and machine shops close or run on short time ; 
less demand for products, lower prices; wages fall, and 
workmen are thrown out of employment. 

A, B, C, and D by chance meet. A remembers that he 
owes B one dollar. He hands him the dollar, which, in 
turn, B pays to C, whom he owes. C in turn pays A the 
dollar, which he owes him. Each man has met his obliga- 
tion. This shows the circle of trade in miniature. A's 
failure to meet his obligation would have clogged the cir- 
cuit of payments. Conditions that permit a free and ready 
circulation of values arc favorable to good times. 

A Desire and Ability to Exchange Values.— A desire, 
with the ability, to exchange labor for products, products 
for labor, labor for labor, and products for products, is the 
motive power that drives the machinery of trade. Lessen 
tlie desire and ability to exchange values, and business is 
depressed. 

It is sometimes claimed that ecobomy is the source of 
prosperity. The claim is, perhaps, correct when used in a 
restricted sense. But extreme economy leads'to stagnation. 
The United States, with her 75,000,000 people, is a better 
market than all of China with her 400,000,000, or India with 
her ;300,000,000. These half-starved people are compelled 
to practice extreme economy. They cannot purchase, so 
the merchants and manufacturers ca'nnot sell, and trade is 
limited. Conditions which depress the laborer to starva- 
tion wages, react on the employers of labor. Conditions 
which lead the people to waste their earnings on valueless 
tilings, deprive themselves of the ability to purchase things 
that are of value. India exports wheat, when in fact she 
raises but a small fraction of what her people need, were 
they properly fed. They must live on a cheaper food, and 
sell tlieir wheat to better fed Europeans. 

The other extreme is to live beyond one's means, to run 
in debt, to waste. But "a nimble shilling is better than a 
slow pound." A citizen who spends in legitimate business 
ten dollars, is of more value, financially, to a community 
than one who spends but one dollar. 

An Analysis of Causes.— Returning to the reasons given 
for hard times, as noted in the preceding pages, let us 
analyze them. "Agitation for changing the standard of 
value," "Changes in the tariff," "Lack of confidence," 



/ «I«©B T1MB8. 471 

"Disposition and ability of public men to deal with finan- 
cial problems," "Uncertainty as to the stability and 
operation of the tariff, " " Reckless talk of change and agita- 
tion by public leaders." "Filling the newspapers with 
prophecies of financial distress, " "Loss of confidence among 
the American people in the soundness of their currency," 

It will be noted that all the reasons above given point 
directly to fear, to a want of confidence, in the minds of 
the people. These are the forebodings of a coming panic. 

Here are other reasons given for hard times : ' ' Extrava- 
gance," "Extension of credit," "Running in debt," "Credit 
mflation passes the point of danger," "Natural reaction 
from excessive development of natural resources." These 
would naturally lead to the impairment of credit. 

Again we quote: "Demonetization of silver by curtail- 
ing and calling in loans and curtailing bank credits," "The 
poatibility of debasing our currency," "Contraction of vol- 
ume of money of ultimate payment," "Loss of confidence 
in the toundnesfl of the currency," "Demonetization of 
silver and the dictating of our financial policy by Wall 
Street" 

It will be noted that these refer hard times to the ques- 
tion of money. 

Judge Tourgee suggests "overproduction" as one of the 
causes of hard times. Ballington Booth and John P. St. 
John name "the perpetuation of the saloon" as one of the 
causes of hard times. Is it overproduction, as suggested 
by Judge Tourgee, or underconsumption, as implied by 
Booth and St. John? Overproduction is possible only when 
the ability to purchase falls below the value of things pro- 
duced. 

If all feet were properly protected with shoes, if all 
bodies were warmly covered with proper clothing, if all 
hunger were properly appeased, if all people were warmly 
housed, would overproduction be possible? If the dread- 
ful waste through the saloon could be stopped, and the 
wasted money and time be turned into productive chan- 
nels, could there be an oversupply? 



CHAPTER X. 

MISCELLANEOUS FACTS AND 
FIGURES. 

The " Monroe Doctrine." 

1. Explanation. — The Monroe doctrine relates to the 
interference of foreign, or European countries, with the 
affairs of the American continent. It was announcad by 
President Monroe, in his annual message to Congress 
of December 2, 1823. It is expressed in two paragraphs 
of that message, which were distinct from each other, 
and were separated by other matter. The two paragraphs 
referred to different events. ^ 

2. The Occasion for the Expression of the First Para- 
graph. — One of these paragraphs asserted that the Ameri- 
can continents, "by the free and independent condition 
which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth 
not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by 
any European powers." Tlie occasion for the expression 
of this view was that Russia iiad made a claim to a large 
part of the coast line upon the western shore of the North 
American continent. This passage was written by John 
Quincy Adams, the Secretary of State, and was inserted 
by Mr. Monroe in the message. 

3. The Occasion of the Other Paragraph. — The occa- 
sion of the other paragraj)!) qf the message was as follows: 
The Holy Alliance — the name given to the alliance formed 
by tlie emperors of Russia and Austria and the King 
t)f Prussia — was a very powerful combination, profess- 
edly in the interest of the Christian religion, but really 
in the interest of absolute power. 

4. Danger to Our Peace and Safety. — In the midst 
of a passage of some length, Mr. Monroe said that we 
owed it to tlie friendly relations existing between the I'nited 
States and the I'uropean powers to declare that we should 
ronsider any attempt on their part to extend their system 
lo any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace 
and safety, and that we could not view any attempt, by any 
European power, to oppress the vSpanish-American countries, 
whicn had become independent, " in any other light than 
as a manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the 
United States." 

472 



INTERNATIONAL AKBITRATION. 473 

5. The Policy of Congress. — The Monroe doctrine, thus 
announced, became the settled policy of Congress and of the 
successive administrations, and has been repeatedly ap- 
proved by national conventions of the great parties. It has 
been extended, with more or less logical consistency, in more 
than one direction. 

6. Wrong Views. — Some people understand that the 
United States has taken a position which implies a general 
oversight of the affairs of all American republics. More- 
over, according to one view, the Monroe doctrine gives us 
rights and obligations not only toward the adjacent islands 
of the West Indies, but toward Hawaii; but these are errors. 

7. Enforcing It. — The doctrine in its original form no 
longer requires a threat on our part to enforce it, for the 
United States has become so great that no foreign power 
would think of violating either of its principles we have 
quoted. 



International Arbitration. 

1. Discussed. — International arbitration has been dis- 
cussed for many years. Nothing practical has, however, 
resulted from these discussions. The \'enezuela dispute, 
the message of the President of the United States, and the 
action of Congress has brought this question prominently 
before the American people as never before. 

2. Our National Record. — Our nation has always advo- 
cated the rights of neutrals, arbitration, and the peace- 
ful settlement of international disputes. It has contributed 
more than any other nation to the promotion of peace and 
the avoidance of great armaments. The United States and 
Canada have set an example to the world by dispensing 
with a standing army and sustaining nothing but a small 
marine i)olice force on the great lakes. It is our glory to 
be safe without fortresses, fleets. Or armies. 

3. Arbitration Conference. — While the risk of war with 
Great Britain was still in the minds of the people, an Arbi- 
tration Conference was called at Washington in April, 1896. 
It was generally conceded that the moment was opportune 
to set forth in the daily and periodical press that the true 
American doctrine on international relations is not force of 
arms but force of righteousness; that the mission of this 
nation is to teach the blessings of liberty and self govern- 
ment by taking millions from various lands into our own 
land and here give them experience of the advantages of 
freedom. 

88 



474 



•ov&Ksyayn «f our insular po»#b««ons. 




^^ 



\ 



/ 



LUKE E. WRIGHT 
Governor-General of the Philippines. 



Government of Our Insular Possessions 



TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENTS. The government of an or- 
ganized territory is not unlike that of a state. Each has its exec- 
utive, legislative and judicial departments. But in a territory the 
governor and judges are appointed by the President, while the 
members ol the legislature and other territorial officers are elected 
by the people. The territory- has no representation in Congress, 
but it has, however, a delegate who sits in the House and can 
speak on any subject in which his territory is directly interested, 
but hasno vote. The territory has no vote for President, neither 
can it make use of its school lands for the support of its schools. 
These are its inheritance when it becomes a state in the Union. 



goveion-men-t of our insular possessions. 47S 

Up to the beginning of the twentieth century we had but one 
grade of citizens. A citizen of a territory was supposed to be a 
full citizen of the United States and of any state into which he 
should choose to migrate. But since the annexation of the Phil- 
ippines, Hawaii, and Porto Rico there has been a change. A 
citizen of Oklahoma moving to Illinois becomes a full citizen of 
that state with the right to vote after the lapse of a certain time. 
But a citizen of Porto Rico moving to Illinois does not become 
a voting citizen of that state until naturaUzed. But a citizen of 
Porto Rico is a citizen of the United States and is entitled to the 
same protection as is due to a citizen of Illinois, whether he be 
in Europe, Asia, Africa, South America, the isles of the sea, or 
in the United States. That is to say, a citizen of Alaska, Ha- 
waii, Porto Rico, or the Philippinnes is a citizen of the United 
States with all the rights as such except his political status ; he 
is not a voting citizen ; politically he is not a citizen. So we now 
have two grades of citizenship. This comes about through a 

decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

,t 

TAXING POWERS. The Constitution of the United States 

says that taxes shall be uniform through the United States; it 
also forbids the lev>-ing of any tariff on commerce between the 
states. Shall the taxes in our island possessions be the same as 
those in the states? Can a tariff be levied on imports into the 
states from any of the islands named? The answer to both 
questions hinges on the defmition of " United States " as used in 
the Constitution. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that the 
term " United States " covers only the states in the I'nion, and 
as represented in Congress. According to this interpretation 
neither the territories nor our island possessions are a part of the 
United States in a political sense ; nor does the restrictive clause 
about "uniform" taxation apply to these parts. A tariff, there- 
fore, may be levied by any of our island possessions even on 
goods from the United States. We may also levy, and we have 
levied, a tariff on imports from the islands named. But no dis- 
tinction has ever been made in these matters, either as to citizen- 
ship or ta.xes, between a territory and a state. '- 

PORTO RICO, OR PUERTO RICO. This island was discov- 
ered by Columbus on his second voyage in 1493. It was con- 
quered by the Spanish under Ponce de Leon and was held by 
Spain until 1898, when it became a part of the United States as 
a result of the Spanish-American war. Its government is not 
unUke that of an ordinary territory. But there are some varia- 
tions. According to the decision of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. Porto Rico is a territory appurtenant and belong- 
ing to the United States, but not a part of the United States 
within the revenue clause of the Constitution. t. 



476 GOVERXMENT OF OUR INSULAR POSSESSIONS. 

Civil government, under the law of Congress passed in 1900, 
is administered under the usual three departments. The Gover- 
nor is appointed by the President and Senate. The members of 
the Upper House, or Senate, are also appointed by the same 
power. This Upper House has also some of the functions of the 
e-xecutive and a part of it is known as the Executive Council. The 
Council or Senate consists of eleven members, six .Vmericans and 
five Porto Ricans. Si.x of these are cabinet oflicers of the Go% - 
emor. The Lower House is made up of thirty-five delegates 
elected by the people. P^very two years an officer known as the 
Resident Commission to the United States is elected by the people 
of Porto Rico and sent to Washington to look after the interests 
of the island and its people. He has no seat in either house of 
Congress. 

Porto Rico has a Supreme Court of its own and appeals from 
it may be carried to the Supreme Court of the I'nited States. 
There is also a United States district court which is a part of the 
federal judiciary. In due time, when the Porto Ricans show 
themselves capable of self-government complete territorial gov- 
ernment will be given them ; and it is possible that at some future 
time Porto Rico may become a state in the Union. 

ALASKA now has an organized territorial government, pat- 
terned after that of the ordinary territory, but it has no legisla- 
tive power. Congress assuming to give it a code of laws. But 
the people have been given local government in the more thickly 
settled parts. Commerce now is free between the Lnited States 
and .-Maska, Porto Rico and Hawaii. But the tariff walls still 
stand between the Philippines and the federal government. 

HAWAII ISLANDS are twelve in number and have an area of 
8,000 square miles. They were discovered by the Spaniards in 
1542. These islands were i>olitically independent of each other 
and of other nations until 1 790, when they were united by the 
chief Kamekameka, whose dynasty held the throne imtil 1872. 
They were by their own choice made a part of the lnited States 
in 1898. Their government is practically that of the ordinary 
terrilor)'. No tariff walls can he built between the general gov- 
ernment and Hawaii, as it is forbidden by the treaty of admission. 

THE PHILIPPINES. These islands have an area of 114,000 
square miles, or 833,000 square miks, counting the land and water 
of the archipelago. The population is about 7,600,000. These 
islands were discovered in 1521 by Magellan on his famous voy- 
age around the world. They remained a Spanish colony until 
they came under the control of the United States at the close of 
the Spanish-American war of 1898. «.' 

The govermnent of the Philippines has been more of a prob- 
lem than that of any other colony or territory. The final outcome 



THE WORLD'S RICHEST MEN. 477 

is not yet in sight. The Mohammedan islands at the south arc 
not included in the general plan of government. The govern- 
ment of the Philippine Islands is in the hands of a Commission 
appointed by the President of the United States. It is composed 
of seven members, four Americans and three from the Philip- 
pines. This Commission is both the executive authority and the 
law-making power of the islands. If all goes well in 1907 the 
Philippines will be permitted to elect a lower hou.se of a legisla- 
ture, similar to the plan in Porto Rico. This, \\ith the Commis- 
sion, will constitute the legislative department. 

The islands have a Supreme Court and other inferior courts. 
The diUerent departments have well organized local governments 
in most of the more civilized parts. These were organized as a 
test to see if these people could govern themselves, and also to 
give them a training in self-government. 

Public schools in the islands are pretty well organized and are 
doing a good work in the preparation of the young for citizen- 
ship. In a generation or two it is hoped these people will be 
ready for complete self-goverimient. 



THE WORLD S RICHEST MEN. 



No two compilers have made similar lists of the millionaires of the world. 
China, England, France, Russia and ihc Uniti-d States each claims to be the 
home of the richest man. The hst compiled by James Burnley, the Enghsh 
author, is as follows: 

Alfred Beit, diamonds, London 1500,000,000 

J. B. Robinson, gold and diamonds, London . 400 000,000 

J. O. Rockefeller, oil. N. Y., {.rated in America at $1,000,000,000) 2.50.000,000 

\V. W. Astor, land, London 200 000 000 

Prince DcmidotT, land, St. Petersburg 200.000.000 

Andrew Carnegie, steel. New York 12.'j 000.000 

W. K. Vanderbilt. railroads, New York 1 100.000,000 

J; J . .Aster, land, New York .. T.'i.OOaOOO 

Lord Rothschild, money lending, London 7.j 000 000 

Duke of Westminster, land, London TVOOO 000 

1. Pierpont Morgan, banking. New York 7.") 000.000 

Lord Iveagh, beer, Dublin \ 70 000.000 

Senora Isidora Cousino, mines and railroads, Chile 70 OOO 000 

M. Heine, silk, Paris 70.000,000 

Baron Alphonse RotLschild, money lending, Paris 70 000,000 

Archduke Frederick of Austria, land, Vienna 70 000.000 

(}eorge J. Gould, raiboads. New York 70.000.000 

Mrs. Hetty Green, banking. New Y'ork _ .5.).000.000 

James H. Smith, banking. New York .W.OOO.tKK) 

Duke of Devonshire, land, London 50 000.000 

Duke of Bedford, land. London 50.000,000 

Henry O. Havemeyer, sugar. New York 50.000,000 

John Smith, mines, Mexico 45,000,000 

Claus SpreckeLs, sugar, San Francisco 40,000.000 

Archbishop Conn, land, Vienna 40.000.000 

I^usseU Sage, money lending. New York 25.000,000 

Sff Ttwiaas LiptOD, groctties, Loadgu ..- - «- 25,000,000 



478 



GRAND ARMY OF THE REPL-RUC. 



GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC MEMBERSHIP. 



DfparltntrU. 



I'csls. Mi.mbi.ri 



New Jersey 110 5.734 

New Slexico 7 192 

New York 615 29,227 

North Dakota 28 510 

Ohio 494 22,972 

Oklahoma 74 1,527 

Oregon 50 1,735 

Pennsylvania 523 25,358 

Poiomnc 17 2,348 

Rhode Island 26 1,547 

Total 



Dcpartmer.l. I'oiii. Memitrs. 

South Dakota 79 1,699 

Tennessee 54 1,493 

Texas 32 637 

Utah 5 238 

Vermont 100 3,010 

Virginia and N. C 42 74" 

Washington and Alaska 56 2 197 

West Virginia 38 1.129 

Wisconsin 217 8,109 

6,149 246,201 



MEMBERSHIP BY YEARS. 



1878. 


.. 31,010 


1884 . 


..273,168 1890 . 


.409.489 


1895 . 


.357,639 


1900 . 


.276.662 


1879. 


.. 44,752 


1SS5 


.294,787 1891 . 


...407,781 


1896 . 


..340,«10 


1901 , 


.269,507 


1880. 


.. 00,1)34 


ISSO . 


..323,57l!lS92 . 


...399.880 


1S97 . 


.319.456 


1902 , 


.263,745 


1881 . 


.. 85,S5u 


l.H*<7 


.3o5,9iG 1893 . 


..397,223 


1898 . 


..305.H03 


1H03 


..256,510 


1882. 


..134 701 


18SS . 


.. 372.900 1894 . 


...369,083 


1899 . 


..287.981 


1904 . 


...246.201 


1883. 


..215 440 


1889 


..397,774 













NATIONAL ENCAMPMENTS AND COMMANDERS-IN-CHIEF. 



City. Commander-in-Chief. 

Indianapolis S. A. lluribut, Illinois 

Pkiladelphia John A. Logan, Illinois _ 

Cincinnati John .\, Logan, Illinois „ 

Washington John A, Logan, Illinois 

Boston A. Iv. Humsidc, Rhode Island ., 

Cleveland A. E. Bumside Rhode Island 

New Haven Charles Devcns, Ir,, Massachusetts 

Harrisburg Charles Devens, )r., Massachusetts 

Chicago J. F, Hartranft, Pennsylvania 

Philadelphia J. F. Hartranft, Pennsylvania _ „ 

Providence J. C. Robinson, New York „ 

Springfield J, C, Robinson, New York 

Albany William Eamshaw, Ohio 

Dayton, O Louis W.agner, Pennsylvania , 

Indianapolis George S. Merrill, Massachusetts _ 

Baltimore P. Vandervoorl, Nebraska 

Denver R, U, Beath, Pcnnsylvanii 

Minneapolis John S, Kountz, Ohio 

Portland, Me S. S. Burdelte, Washington, D. C 

San Francisco -Lucius Faircliild, Wisconsin 

St. Louis John P. Rca, Minne.s<ita 

Columbus, O William Warner, St. Louis 

Milwaukee Ru.s-sell A. Alger, Detroit.. 

Boston W, G. Vcazcy, Rutland, \'ermont . 

Detroit John Palmer, Albany 

Washington .'\. G. Weissert, Milwaukee 

IndianapoUs J. G. B. Adams, Lynn, Mas.sachusetts 

Pittsburg T. G. I.awk-r, RcKkford, Illinois 

Louisville I. N. Walker, Indianapolis 

.St. Paul T. S. Clarkstm, Omaha, Nebraska 

Buffalo J. P. S. Gobin. Ix-lkinon, Pennsylvania 

Cincinnati James A. Sexton, Chicago 

Philadelphia AlU-rt D. Shaw, New York , 

Chicago Ix'o Rassicur, St. Louis 

Cleveland Ell Torrance. Minneapolis 

Washington Thomas J, Stewart, Norrislown, Pennsylvania.. 

San Francisco ...J. C. Blaik, I'liii.igo. 
toMion..., AV.W. 



Mtofltmiir, Bobtoa.. 



ear. 
1866 
1808 
1809 
1870 
1871 
1.872 
1873 
1874 
1.S75 
1876 
1877 
1878 
1879 
1880 
1881 
1882 
1883 
1884 
1885 
1886 
1887 
1888 
1889 
1890 
1891 
1892 
1893 
IS94 
I8tl.i 
lbM6 
1897 
1898 
1899 
1900 
1901 
1902 
1003 
1M4 



TOTAL COST OF PENSIONS. 



479 



TOTAL COST OF PENSIONS. 



FISCAL YEAR. 


DISBURSEMENTS FOR ^ 
PENSIONS. 


Number of 
Pensioners 


Army. 


Navy. 


on rolls. 


1866 


$15,158,.598.64 

20.552,948.47 

af,81 1,183.75 

28,108,323.34 

29,043,237.00 

28,081,542.41 

29,276,921.02 

26,502,.528.96 

29,603,159.24 

28,727,104.76 

27,411,309.53 

27,659,461.72 

26,251,725.91 

33,109,339.92 

55,901,670.42 

49,419,905.35 

53,328,192.05 

59,468,610.70 

56,945.115.25 

64,222,275.34 

63,034 642.90 

72,464,236.69 

77,712,789.27 

86 996,502.15 

103,809,2.50.39 

114,744,750.83 

135,914,611.76 

153 045,460.94 

136,495,905.01 

136,156,808.35 

134,632,175.88 

136,313,914.64 

140,924,348.71 

134,671,258.68 

134,700.,597.24 

1.34,743,790.81 

133,655,245.75 

133,922,.581.95 

137,010,616.93 


$291,951.24 

231,841.22 

290„325.61 

344,923.93 

308,251.78 

437,250.21 

475,825.79 

479,534.93 

603,019.75 

543,300.00 

524.900.00 

523,300.00 

534,283..53 

555,089,00 

787,, 558. 60 

1 103,500.00 

984,980.00 

958,963.11 

967,272.22 

949,661.78 

1,056,500.00 

1,288,760.39 

1,237,712.40 

1,846,218.43 

2,285,000.00 

2,567,939.67 

3,479,535.35 

3,861,177.00 

3 490,760,56 

3,650,980.43 

3,582,909.10 

3,635,802.71 

3,727,531.09 

3,683,794.27 

3,761,533.41 

3,787,693.03 

3.849,022.24 

3,837,400.76 

4,082,954.56 

70,679,743.16 


126,722 


1867 


155,474 


1868 


169,643 


1869 


187,963 


1870 


198,686 


1871 

1872 


207,495 
232,189 


1873 


238,411 


1874 


236,241 


1875 


234,821 


1876 


232,137 


1877 


232,104 


1878 


223,998 


1879 


242,755 


1880 


250,802 


1881 . . 


268,830 


1882 


285,697 


1883 


303,658 


1884 


322,756 


1885 


345,125 


1 886 


305,783 




406,007 


1888 


452,557 




488,725 


1890 


537,944 




676,160 


1892 ... , ; 


876,068 


1893 


960,012 


1894 


909,544 




970,524 


1896 


970,078 




970,014 


1898 . 


993,714 


1899 


991,519 


I90O _ 

1901 ?. .. .. 


983,526 
997,735 


1902 


909,446 




996,545 


1904 _ 


994,702 


Total 


3,012„591, 974.26 





Total disbursements since 1790, $3,279,214,402.61. 





No. 




DEATH 

No. 


RATE BY YEARS. 




P.ct. 




P.ct. 




No. 


1887.. 


...3,406 


.95 


1892.. 


...0,404 


1.01 


1897... 


...7,515 


1888 


...4,433 


1.18 


1893. 


...7,002 


1.78 


1898.. 


...8,383 


1.889... 


...4,696 


1.18 


1894.. 


...7,283 


2.97 


1899... 


...7,994 


1890... 


...5,476 


1.33 


1895.. 


....7,368 


2.06 


1900... 


...7.790 


1891... 


...5,905 


1.46 


1896.. 


...7,293 


2.21 







P.ct] No. P.ct. 

2.35 1901 8,166 3.02 

2.4ri902 8,299 3.08 

2.78il903 8,366 3.22 

2.80,1904 9,029 3.62 



Total expended for reUe{ duiiag year ended June 30 1904, Jl00,o04,7C. 



480 LXIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES. 

UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES. 

(Corrected to Oclobtr 1, 1904. 

School. Location. Instruclur^. Sludenti 

Amhtrst Amhurst. Massachusetts 40 4U 

.-Vrmour Institute Chicago _ _.. 70 1 .tJOO 

Augusiana Rock Island, Illinois 40 534 

Baker Lniversity ..._ Baldwin, Kansas A2 1,024 

Bates Lewiston, Maine 20 360 

Baylor University Waco, Texas 75 995 

Beloit Beloit, Wisconsin 29 450 

Berea Bcrca, Kentucky 46 970 

Bethany Lindsborg, Kansas 49 878 

Boston University Boston, ^Iassachusctts 150 1,279 

Bowdoin Brunswick, Maine 21 2S1 

Brigham Young _ _.Logan, Utah 41 782 

Brown University Providence, Khcxle Island 85 935 

Bucknell University Lcwisburg, Pennsylvania 51 710 

Catholic Univ. of America... -Washington, D. C 31 110 

Central University Danville, Kentucky 100 1,395 

C"latlin University Orangeburg. South Carolina 40 700 

Colby Waterville, Maine 10 230 

College City of .New York New York, Net^- York _ 119 2.348 

Colora<lo College Colorado Springs, Colorado 35 500 

Columbia _ New York, New York _. 53» 4,S33 

Cornell College _... Mount Vernon, Iowa ._ _ „... 40 766 

Cornell University Ithaca, New York 435 3,800 

Dartmouth Hanover, New Hampshire ,S0 921 

Denison University Granville, Ohio _ 35 480 

De I'auw University Greencastle, Indiana 32 03»( 

Drake University Des Moines, Iowa „. 121 1,507 

Fisk University Na.shville, Tennessee 33 525 

l-'ort Worth University Fort Worth, Texas._ 54 987 

George Washington, the Washington, D. C. 183 1.40S 

Georgetown University Georgetown, D. C 142 514 

(iirard College ;. Philadelphia, PcnnsyK;inia _. 67 1.6S9 

tjrove City College Grove City, Pennsylvania 22 bSti 

Hampton Institute Hampton, Virgini;i 140 1241 

Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts 525 4 22'> 

Howard University Wa.shington, D. C 125 1.200 

Illinois Wesleyan Bloomington, Illinois . 32 1.4t>.'> 

Indiana University Bloomington, Indiana 70 1,41s 

Iowa State College -Ames, Iowa ... 99 1,403 

Johns Hopkins, The Baltimore, Maryland UW 715 

Kenlucky University Lexington, Kentucky . 60 1.166 

Knox College Galesburg, Illinois .. 32 61ti 

Lafayette College luiston, Penn.svlvani.i '29 420 

l^ke Forest College L;ike Forest, Illinois 20 135 

L.TWTence University .Appleton, Wisconsin _ 32 587 

Lehigh University Bethlehem, Pennsylvania 56 614 

Lcland Stanford, Jr SliUiford I'niversity, California 140 1,485 

I.»wis Institute Chicago 75 2,500 

Manhattan College New York, New York _ 20 | 220 

Massachusetts Agritultura' Amherst, Massachusetts „. 22 ► I9.'> 

.\las,s;ichu-'X'lts Inst. Tech. Boston, Ma.s.sachusells _. 170 1,544 

Mithig.m Agricultural I-insing, Michigan _ 70 SOO 

Monmouth College Monmouth, Illinois 20 421 

Mount Holyoke College South Hadley, Ma.ssachusetts _. .SI 675 

Nevada Stale L'nivcrsity Reno, Nevada 26 250 

New York University New York. New York _. 274 2,218 

Northwciitem University Evanston, lUinois 302 4,007 

« )Urlin College Oberlin. Ohio 95 1,618 

Ohio Stall- Lniversity Columbus. Ohio _ 143 1,827 

Ohio Wcsltyoa JJclawarc, Ohio 05 1,221 



UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES. 481 

ScJwnl. Location. Instructors. Students. 

Ottawa University Ottawa, Kansas 23 710 

Polytechnic Institute Brooklyn, New York 50 oUO 

Pratt Institute Brooklyn, New \ork 12o ^,4.0 

Princeton University Princeton, New Jersey IU|) l,Aii 

Purdue University Lafayette, Indiana H)U 1,44U 

State University of Iowa Iowa City, Iowa luO l,ol2 

Stevens Institute Tech Hoboken, New Jersey 30 3(7 

St. Francis Xavier New York, New York 31 563 

St. Ignatius Chicago 23 563 

Simpson College Indianola, Iowa 31 5U3 

Smith College Northampton, Massachusetts 80 l.Oi^o 

Slate University of Kentucky..Louisville, Kentucky 11 150 

Svracuse Uni\ersity Syracuse, New York 195 2,o00 

Talladega College Talladega, Alabama 33 i»oO 

Tufts College Tufts College, Massachusetts 1/.) 1,000 

Tulane University New Orleans. Louisiana 99 1,395 

Union College College View, Nebraska 34 227 

Union College Schenectady, New York 24 243 

U. S. MiUtary Academy West Point, New York 79 481 

U. S. Naval Academy „...Annapolis, Maryland 100 824 

Univers-.ty of Alabama University, Alabama 44 432 

University of Arizona Tucson, Arizona 27 20o 

University of California Berkeley, Cahfornia 434 4,la0 

University of Chicago Chicago 361 4,o80 

University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio loO ^-rij^ 

University of Colorado „Boulder, Colorado 100 jOO 

University of Denver Denver, Colorado Ii2 1,11b 

University of Georgia Athens, Georgia 'J 3o0 

University of Idaho Moscow, Idaho 2a 6jw 

University of Illinois Urbana, Illinois -. 402 3,o94 

University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas 110 l,uOO 

University of Maine Orono, Maine Oa 540 

University of Michigan .\nn Arbor, Michigan 29J 4,0UU 

University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minnesota 280 XrVi 

University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri... 119 1,649 

University of Mississippi University, Mississippi 21 2o4 

University of Montana Missoula, Montana 22 bob 

University of Nebraska Lincoln, Nebraska 1<3 ^'^\j. 

University of North Carolina.Cha[)el Hill, North Carolina 64 WO 

University of North Dakota.Grand Forks. North Dakota 40 wii 

University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana 65 750 

University of Oklahoma Norman, Oklahoma Territory 36 4bo 

University of Oregon Eugene, Oregon 76 5o3 

University of Pennsylvania. ...Philadelphia 290 ^.'J'^O 

University of Rochester Rochester, New York 23 2b4 

University of South Dakota. ..\ermilion. South Dakota 4L 4o0 

University of Tennessee Knoxville, Tennessee 9^ ' Oo 

University of Texas Austin, Texas 120 l,3o7 

University of Utah Salt Lake City, Utah 45 818 

University of Virginia Charlottesville, Virginia 4fa b/3 

University of Vermont Burlington, Vermont _ _. 64 58b 

University of Washington Seattle, Washington 44 79^ 

University of Wisconsin Madison, Wisconsin 281 ^';^2n 

University of Wyoming Laramie, Wyoming 19 -^0 

Vanderbilt University Nashville, Tennessee 102 /30 

Vassar College Poughkeepsic, New York 80 9Sa 

Washington University St. I-ouis, Missoun 209 i,2bb 

Wellesley Wellesley, Massachusetts 95 l,OoO 

West N'irginia University Morgantown, West Virginia 70 ^'qJx 

Western Re.serve University. Cleveland, Ohio 150 900 

Western Univ. of Pennsylv'a..Pittsburg, Pennsylvania 115 814 

Williams College Williamstown. Massachusetts 35 4^ 

Vale University New Haven, Connecticut, 330 3,000 



482 



OCCUPATIONS IX THE CXITED STATES. 



OCCUPATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES. 



[Census 

Actors 8,392 

Actresses 0,418 

Agents 241,333 

Agents (station) 45,992 

Agricultural laborers 4,459.346 

Architects 10,(104 

Artists and art teachers 24,902 

Authors 6,058 

Baggagemen 19,085 

Bakers 79,407 

Bankers and brokers 73,384 

Barbers 131,383 

Bartenders 8S.937 

Blacksmiths 227,076 

Boarding-house keepers 71,371 

Boilermakers 33,087 

Bookbinders _ 30,286 

Bookkeepers 255,526 

Boot and shoe dealers 15,239 

Boot and shoe makers 209,056 

Bottlers 10,546 

Boxmakers (paper) 21,098 

Brakemcn 07,492 

Brass workers 26,700 

Brewers and maltsters 20,984 

Brick and tile makers 49,934 

Broom and brush makers 10,222 

Builders and contractors 56,935 

Butchers 114,212 

Butter and cheese makers 19,2(>1 

Cabinet makers 35,641 

Carpenters and joiners 602,741 

Carpet factory employes 19,388 

Carriage and hack drivers 36,794 

Charcoal and coke burners 14,476 

Chemical workers 14,814 

Chemists 8,887 

Cigar dealers 15,367 

Clergymen 111,942 

Clerks and copyists _ 632,099 

Clock and watch makers 24,188 

Clothing dealers 18,097 

Coal and wood dealers _... 20,866 

Commercial travelers 92,936 

Compositors 36,849 

Conductors (steam road) 42,935 

Confectioners 31,242 

Coopers 37,226 

Copper workers 8,1SS 

Cotton mill operatives 246.004 

Dairvmen 10,93! 

Dentists 29,683 

Designers and draftsmen 18,956 

Distillers and rectifiers 3,145 

Dressmakers 347,076 

Dry goods dealers 45,840 

Druggists 57,346 

Dyers 17.904 

Electricians 50,782 

EUclni-platers _ 6,387 

Elevator tenders 12,691 



of 1900.] 

Engineers (civil) 43,535 

Engineers and tirem-.n inut 

railway) 224,546 

Engineers and firemen v.rail- 

way) 107,150 

Engravers 11 , 156 

Farmers 5,681,257 

Firemen (fire department) 14,576 

Fishermen 73,810 

Foremen and overseers 55,503 

Furniture factory employes. 23,078 

Gardeners _ 62,418 

Glassworkers 49,999 

Glovcmakcrs _ 12,276 

C}old and .silver workers. 26,146 

Harnessmakers _ 40,193 

Hat and cap makers 22,733 

Ho.stlcrs 65,381 

Hotelkeepers _. 54,931 

Housekeepers and stewards..™ 155,524 

Iron and steel workers 203,295 

Janitors 51,226 

Journalists _ 30,098 

Knilling mill operatives.. ._ 47,120 

Laborers i general) 2,588,283 

Laborers (railroad) 249,576 

Laundry employes 387,013 

Lawyers 114,703 

Lead and zinc workers 5,335 

Leather curriers and tanners... 42.684 

Librarians „ 4, 184 

Liquor merchants 13,119 

Lithographers _. 7,956 

Liverymen 33,680 

Locksmiths, gunmakers, etc... 7,432 

Longshoremen 20,934 

Lumber dealers 16,774 

Lumbermen 72,190 

Machinists 283,432 

Marble and stone cutters.„ 54,525 

Alasons, stone and brick 161,048 

Merchants (wholesale) _. 42,310 

Me.s,scngers - _ 44,460 

Millers 40,576 

MilUners 87,881 

Miners (coal) „. 344,292 

Miners (gold and silver) _. 59,095 

M'xlel and pattern makers 15,083 

Moldtrs 87,504 

Musiciansand music teachers.. 92,264 

Nur.ses (total) _ 121,269 

Nurses (trained) 11,892 

Ortice bovs „ 16.727 

Officials (bank) _ 74,246 

Officials (government) 90,290 

Oil well and works employes... 24,626 

Packers and shippers 59,769 

Painters and glaziers 277,990 

Papcrhangers 22,004 

Paper mill operatives 36,329 

Peddlers. 76,872 



STATE NICKNAMES AND STATE FLOWERS. 483 

Photographers 27,029 ployes ''i'-fi?! 

Physicians and surgeons 132,225 Seamstresses — lol,3/9 

Plasterers 35,706 Servants 1,458,010 

Plumbers and fitters 97,884 Sextons 5,394 

Policemen 116,615 Shirt, collar and cuff makers... 38,432 

Porters — 54,274 Showmen (professional) 16,625 

Potters 16,140 Silk mill operatives 54,460 

Printers and pressmen 103,855 Soldiers and siiilors (U. S.) 126,744 

Produce dealers 34,194 Stenographers 98,827 

Profes<;ors in colleges 7,275 Stereotvpers and clectrotypers.. 3,172 

Publishers 10,970 Stock raisers 85,469 

Quarrymen 34.598 Storekeepers (general) 33,031 

Restaurant keepers 34,023 Storekeepers (grocery) 156,557 

Roofers and slaters 9,068 Slovcmakers 12,473 

Salesmen and salesladies 611,787 Street railway employes 68,936 

Sailors 61,873 Switchmen, yardmen, etc 50,241 

Saloonkeepers 83,875 Tailors 230,277 

Saw and planing mill em- Teachers 439.522 



STATE NICKNAMES AND STATE FLOWERS. 

Stale. Xickname. Flower. 

Alabama Cotton state Goldcnrod 

Arizona Sequoia cactus 

Arkansas'.... Bear state Apple blossom 

California Golden state Poppy 

Colorado Centennial state Columbine 

Delaware Blue Hen state Peach blossom 

Florida Peninsula state. 

Georgia _.Cracker state Cherokee rose 

Idaho Syringa 

Illinois Sucker state Rose 

Indiana Hoosier state. 

Iowa Hawkeye state Wild rose 

Kansas Sunflower state Sunflower 

Kentucky Blue Grass state. 

Louisiana Pelican state Magnolia 

Maine Pine Tree .state Pine cone 

Maryland Old Line state. 

Massachusetts Bay state. 

Michigan Wolverine state Apple blossom 

Minnesota Gopher state Moccasin 

Mississippi Bavou state Magnolia 

Montana Stub Toe state Buter root 

Missouri Iron Goldcnrod 

Nebraska Black Water Goldenrod 

Nevada Silver state. 

New Hampshire Granite state. 

New Jersey Jersey Blue state Sugar maple tree 

New York Empire state Rose 

North Carolina Old North state. 

North Dakota Flickertail state Goldenrod 

Ohio Buckeye state. 

Oklahoma Mistletoe 

Oregon Beaver state Oregon grape 

Pcnnsvlvania Keystone state. 

Rhode Island Little Rhody Violet 

South Carolina Palmetto state. 

South Dakota Swinge Cat state. 

Tennessee Big Bend state. 

Texas Lone Star state Bluebonnrt 

Utah •;v^^?''''' 

Vermont Green Mountain state Red clover 

\'irginia The Old Dominion. 

Washington Chinook state Rhododendron 

West \irginia The Panhandle. 

Wisconsin Badger state. 



484 CARXEGIE'S GIFTS. 

CARNEGIE'S GIFTS UP TO MAY I, 1905. 



Endowment Scotch I'nivcrsities _ „ $ 15,000,000 

National University, (D. C.) „ _ _ 10,700,000 

College Professors' Fund _ 10,000.000 

Carnegie Institution „ „ 7,852,000 

Branch Libraries (N. Y.) „ ......Z 5,200.000 

"Hero" Fund _ _.. _ 5.000.000 

Scotch Scientific Research _ „ 5,000.000 

Employes' Pension Fund 4 000.000 

Branch Libraries (Pittsburg) _ 3.450,000 

Polytechnic School (Pittsburg) _ 2,000.000 

Instiiule Library _ _ 2,000,000 

Branch Libraries (Philadelphia) „ 1,500,000 

New York Knfiineering Societies _ 1,500,000 

Hague Peace Temple „ 1,500,000 

Engineers' Union _ _ 1,000.000 

St. Ix>uis Branch Libraries. 1,000.000 

Tuskegee Institute tiOS.OOO 

Braddock (Pa.) Library 1)00,000 

Duquesne (Pa.) Library _ 500,000 

Homestead (Pa ) Library 500,000 

Cooper Union „ _ 500.000 

Gla.sgow Library „ 500.000 

Galashiels Technical School 500,000 

Ixjndim Library 500.000 

All other known gifts.each less than $500,000 31,945.223 

Total _.._ $112.912 223 



NOTABLE PUBLIC GIFTS AND BEQUESTS IN 1904. 



Armour, J. Ogden, to the Armour Institute $ 250,000 

Bowen, Mrs. Joseph T., to Hull House clubwomen lor a home 20,000 

Brenan, Thomas J., to Chicago religious and educational institutions 80.000 

Carnegie. Andrew, to New York Engineering Societies 1,500.000 

Men. " Fund .. 5,000,000 

Creighiun John A., to Creighton University „ 250.000 

Kelly, Mrs Ivlizabeth G., to University of Chicago 150.000 

Kelly, Hiram, estate of, to Public Library, Chicago „ 300,000 

Pearsons. D. K., to Park College 2').000 

Bena College 50,000 

Rollins College „ „ _ .50,000 

Potter, Mrs. Sarah, to Hosoilals and Schix>ls _ „ 1.000,000 

Rockefeller, John D., to Y. VV. C. A. of Cleveland, Ohio 50.tH)0 

U.n =on Uaplist University 100.000 

J.ihns Hopkins Hospital 5 '0.000 

Wcntworlh, Arioth, by will, to Wcniworth Institute, Boston, Ma:>s..„ 3,0W1.000 



COMPARATIVE POPULATION OF PRINCIPAL CITIES. 485 

FIFTY PRINCIPAL CITIES IN 1900 IN THE ORDER OF 

THEIR RANK. 



CITIES. 



New York, N. Y... 

Chicago, III 

Philadelphia, Pa. . 

St. Louis, -Mo 

Boston, Mass. . . . 

Baltimore, Md 

Cleveland, Ohio 

Buffalo, N. Y 

San Francisco, Cal, 

Cincinnati, Ohio 

Pittsburg, Pa 

New Orleans, La.. 

Detroit, Mich 

Milwaukee, Wis. . 
Washington, D. C. 

Newark, N. J 

Jersey City, N. J. . , 
Louisville, Ky. . . . 
Minneapolis, Minn 
Proviaence, R. I . 
Indianapolis, Ind. 
Kansas City, Mo. . 

St. Paul, M'inn 

Rochester, N. Y.. . 

Denver, Colo 

Toledo, Ohio 

Allegheny, Pa 

Columbus, Ohio.. . 
Worcester, Mass. . 
Syracuse, N. Y. . . . 
New Haven, Conn 

Paterson, N. J 

Fall River, Mass.. 

St. Joseph, Mo 

Omaha, Neb 

Los Angeles, Cal.. 
Memphis, Tenn.. . 
Scranton, Pa 

*Lo8S. 



POPULATION. 



1900 



3,437,202 
1,698,575 
1,293.697 
575,238 
560,892 
508,957 
381,768 
352,387 
342,782 
325,902 
321,616 
287,104 
285,704 
285,315 
278,718 
246,070 
206.433 
204,731 
202,718 
175,597 
169.164 
163.752 
163.065 
162,608 
133,859 
131.822 
129.896 
125.560 
118.421 
108,374 
108,027 
105,171 
104,863 
102,979 
102,555 
102.479 
102,320 
102.U26i 



1890 



.492,591 

,099,850 

,046,964 

451,770 

448,477 

434,439 

261,353 

255,664 

298,997 

296,908 

238,617 

242,039 

205,876 

204,468 

230,392 

181,830 

163.003 

161,129 

164,738 

132,146 

105,436 

132,716 

133,156 

133,896 

106,713 

81,434 

105,287 

88,150 

84,655 

88,143 

81,298 

78,347 

74,398 

52,324 

140,452 

50,395 

64,495 

75,215 



INCHEASE FROM 

1890 TO 1900 



Number. 



944,611 

598,725 
246,733 
123,468 
112,415 
74,518 
120,415 
96,723 
43,785 
28,994 
82,999 
45.065 
79,828 
80,847 
48.326 
64.240 
43.430 
43,602 
37,980 
43,451 
63,728 
31,036 
29,909 
28,712 
27,146 
50,388 
24,609 
37,410 
33,766 
20.231 
26,729 
26,824 
30,465 
50,655 
*37,897 
52.084 
37.825 
26.811 



Per Cfc. 



37 8 
54.4 
23.5 
27.3 
25.0 
17.1 
46.0 
37.8 
14.6 
9.7 
34.7 
18.6 
38.7 
39.5 
20.9 
35.3 
26.8 
27.0 
23.0 
32.8 
60.4 
23.3 
22.4 
21.4 
25.4 
61.8 
23.3 
42.4 
39.8 
22.9 
32.8 
34.2 
40.9 
96.8 
26.9 
103.3 
58.6 
35.6 



486 



WARS OF THE UNITED STATES. 



FIFTY PRINCIPAL CITIES IN 1900 IN THE ORDER OF 

THEIR RANK— Continued, 



CITIES. 



POPULATION. 



1900 



Lowell, Mass 94,969 

Albany, N. Y 94,151 

Cambridge, Mass 91,886 

Portland, Ore 90,426 

Atlanta, Ga j 89,872 

Grand Rapids, Mich.... 87.565 

Davton, Ohio 85,333 

Richmond, \'a 85,050 

Nashville, Tenn 80,865 

Seattle, Wash 80,671 

Hartford, Conn 7!t,850 

Reading, Pa 78,961 



1890 



77,696 
94,923 
70,028 
46,385 
65,533 
60,278 
61,220 
81,388 
76,168 
42,837 
53,230 
58,661 



INXREASE FHOM 
1890 TO 1900 



Nnmber. Per Ct 



17,273 

*772 
21,858 
44,041 
24,339 
27,287 
24,113 
3,662 
4,697 
37.834 
26,620 
20,300 



22.2 

0.8 
31.2 
94.9 
37.1 
45.2 
39.3 
4.4 
6.1 
88.3 
50.0 
34.6 



♦Loss. 



Wars of the United States. 



By what Na jie Known. 



War of the Rovolation . . 
Nortti western Indian. . . . 

War with Knince 

War with Tripoli 

('reek Indian 

Warof 1N12. Gt. Britain.. 

Seminole Indian 

Black Hawk Indian 

("her<)ko<! dintnrbance. .. 

Creek Indian War 

Florida Ju<iian 

Aroostook d inturbance . . 

War withXlfxico 

Apache. Naviiioand Utah 

Seminole Indian 

Civil War 



Length of W.vr. 



From. 



April 19, ITTr) 
Sept. lit, IT'.iO 
July 9, 1798 
Jane 10. ISOl 
July 27, 1S13 
June IS, 1812 
Nov. 20, 1M17 
.\pril 21, 1831 

1836 
May 5. IS.% 
Dec. 23, 1835 

ISW 
April 21, 184C 

1819 

1856 

1861 



To. 



^jvij tyar ipoi 

Noinber of Confederate troops engaped 



April 11, 1783 
Aug. 3, 1795 
Sept. 30, I'^UO 
June 1, IHT) 
Aug. 9, 1M4 
Feb. 17, lsl5 
Oct. 21,1818 
Sept. 31. 1832 

1S37 
Sept. 80. 1937 
Aug. U, 1813 

1S39 
Joly 4. 1818 

1S55 

18,->8 

18''5 
iu Civil War... 



Force 
Engaged. 



Regulars. 



130,711 



600 

85,000 

1.000 

1,339 



935 
11,169 



30.954 
1,500 



Hilitia 
and 
Volun- 
teers. 



161,080 



2.77 



13,181 

471.622 

6,911 

5.126 

9.191 

12.183 

29,9.^3 

1,500 

78,776 

1.061 

3,087 

.108 

.000.000 



COST OF WARS OF THE UNITED STATES. 487 

Cost of Wars of the United States. 

Revolncionary $ 135,193,703.00 

\\ ar(>f 1M2-15 107,15il,WI3.O0 

MoxicanA\ar 100,00(1,(1(10.00 

Rebellion :---y- •• v •, 6,189,929,908.58 

Estimated cost of Indian wars from July 4, 1776, to 

June 30, 1886 696,339,277.68 

Bpanish-Amencan, including $20,000,000.00 for Philip- 
pine Islands 222,000,000.00 

Losses in wars — 

f^Mo'l'"f 'n" (English) . . 50,000 men 

l8ii-l,-> killed and wounded 5 614 •• 

Mexican War sV'O " 

Rebellion, ^ J?^'"^''^^'- -J- V" ••••■■■•■••••■•••• ••••^'^'^^'^ " 

4o • , . < Confederate— died 300,000 " 

*bpanish-American, killed, wounded and died in camp 3,833 " 

*These figures do not include those who died after being 
mustered out. ^ 

In the War of 1812-15 there were 10 battles, 8 combats 
and assaults, 52 actions and bombardments. In the Mexican 
War there were 11 pitched battles and 35 actions, combats, 
sieges and skirmishes. In the Civil Vvar of 1861-5 there 
were 107 pitched battles, 102 combats, and 862 actions, 
sieges, and lesser affairs. Since 1812 the United States 
army has had over 640 battles, fights, and actions against 
Indians. Since 1789 there have been 912 garrisoned forts, 
Srsenals and military posts in the United States. At the 
present time (1891) there are 144 garrisoned forts, arsenals 
and military posts. 

Up to and including June, 186i, there were 1,966 grad- 
uates of the Military Academy, and of these there were 
living at the outbreak of the Civil War of 1861-5 1,249. 
Of the 1,249, 428 were in civil life, and 821 were in the mili- 
tary service of the United States. Of those in civil life, 292 
took sides with the Union and 99 joined the Confederacy, 
while 37 are unknown. Of the 821 in the army, 627 sided 
with the Union, 184 joined the Confederacy, and 10 took 
neither side. Of the 99 who joined the Confederacy from civil 
life all, except one, were either born and brought up or were 
residents of southern territory. On the other hand, of the 
350 graduates born or appointed from southern states, 162 
remamed loyal to the United States. Of the graduates who 
served in the Civil War, one-fifth were k 'lied in battle, while 
one-halt were wounded. — Lieicteiiant W, R. Hamilton, U.S. 
A, {From World Almanac. \ 



488 CHRONOLOGY OF RECENT WARS. 

CHRONOLOGY OF RECENT WARS. 



SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR, 1898. 

Maine blown up February r^ 

Diplomatic relations broken _ _ _ .^pril 21 

Cuban blockade declared .\pril 2- 

War declared by Spain .\pril 2f 

War declared by United States _ .\pril 25 

Dewey's victory at Manila .„ May 1 

Hobson's Merrimac exploit June 3 

United States army corps lands in Cuba June 21 

Battle at El Caney and San Juan July 1 

Cervcra's fleet destroyed July 3 

Santiago de Cuba surrender-- July 17 

Peace protocol signed August 12 

Surrender of Manila .-Xugust 13 

Peace treaty signed in Pari.- December 12 



PHILIPPINE WAR, 1899-1902. 

Hostilities begin Fcljruary 4. Kn99 

Battles around Manila I'lbruarv 4-7, l!>99 

Battle at Pasig March 13, lt-99 

Santa Cruz captured >. April 25, 1S99 

San Fernando captured ....May 5, 1S99 

Battle at Bacoor _ June 13, 1S99 

Battle at Imus June 16, 1S99 

Battle at Colamba Julv 2(). IS99 

Battle at Calulut August 9, 1S99 

Battle at Angeles .. .August 1(>. 1S99 

Major John \. Logan killed Xovemlx-r 14, 1899 

General Gregorio del Pilar killed December 10. 1S99 

General Lawton killed December 19, 1S99 

Taft commission appointed February 2,5, 1900 

Aguinaldo captured - March 23, 1901 

End of the war „ April 30. 1902 

Military governorship ended _ July 4^1902 



.•\NGLO-BOER WAR, 1S99-1902. 

Boers declare w.ir . October 10, 1S99 

Boers invade N.u.ii October 12, 1899 

Battle of Glencw Octolx-r 20, 1899 

Battle of Magersfontiin Dcci-niber 10. 1S99 

Battle of Colesburg Dtcimlxr 31, 1,S99 

.Spion Kop battles January 23 25, 1900 

KiniUrley relieved February 15, 19C0 

General Cronje surrenders. February 27. I!t00 

Ladvsmith relieved March 1, lilOO 

Mali-king relieved .May 17. I'.'OO 

Johannesburg captured May 30, l'.<00 

Orange Free Slate annexed May 30, H'00 

Pretoria captured _ June 4. r.>00 

South African Republic annexed SeptcmU-r 1, 1900 

General Methuen captured Marcli 7, 1902 

Treaty of peace signed May 31, 1902 



ARMIES AND NAVIES OF THE WORLD. 



489 



ARMIES AND NAVIES OF THE WORLD. 



[Data chiefly from the State.sman's Year Book for 1904.] 





ARMY. 


1 NAVY. 


.Annual 


CO UNTRl 


Peace 
looting. 


War 
looting. 


^f' Men. 


cost oj army 
and navy. 




150,000 

44,000 

120,000 

58,978 

391,706 

49,044 

82,500 

28,009 

40,730 

15,000 

300,000 

15,000 

12,000 

9,700 

4,379 

18,008 

598,003 

005,975 

324,053 

22,104 

7,000 

6,828 

20,500 

261,970 

167,029 

28,155 

12,400 

25,828 

2 000 

30,900 

1,582 

24 500 

4 000 

31,578 

03,280 

1,100,000 

4,000 

22,448 

5,000 

119,432 

37,200 








Afghanistan 










500,000 


45 

7 

35 


5,66d 

1,403 


$ 7,000,000 

3,835,440 

70,397 295 


Aimtrali.in Com moDWc* tilth 


Ausiria-Hungarv 


2,580,000 
180,000 






11,009.754 








1 ,000 000 


Brazil 




12 


8,800 


10,128,470 
2 000 979 


Canada.* - 




Chile 


400.397 
1,000,000 

35,000 

01,582 
100,000 


24 
7 

11 
2 

55 
2 




7,819.069 


China 




22,000,000 
266,300 






Cc^^ta Rica 










4,468,500 
1,845,700 




130 


EevDt 


2,609,150 




2,500,000 

3,000,000 

927,084 

82,000 

86,900 


355 

217 

449 

22 


52,401 

2 3, ,500 

127,100 

4,000 


200,254,953 




107,20(i,750 




394,785,000 


G''eece 


5,142,000 


Guatemala 


4,393,616 


Haiti 


6 










282,370 


Italy _ 

Japan 


3,350,920 
032,007 
140,500 
30,400 
68,000 
17,000 
81,700 


94 
110 

7 

1 

38 


20,799 

35,355 

575 


81,783.000 
30,2S0,001 




7,195,000 


Morocco 


Netherlands 


8,500 


16,080,100 
450,000 


Nicaragua 


Norway t 


72 

3 

2 

4 

56 

24 

117 

1 


890 


4,500,000 


Paracruav 


645 852 


Persia 


53,520 




1,200,000 






1,925,000 


Portugal 


171,324 
173.948 

4,000,000 
29.000 
300,000 
10,000 
213,972 
500.000 
527,972 

1,400,000 

"ioo.o.-)0 

00.000 




9,713,.500 


Roumania 




14,50s,000 


Russia 


60,000 


213,820,000 


Salvador 


473,700 


Servia 




3,694,800 


Siam 


22 
24 
50 


15,000 




Spain 


38.171,000 






12,268,000 


Switzerland. 




5,802,334 


Turkev 


700,020 

59,940 

4.180 

9,000 


9 

118 

3 

5 


31,957 

28,000 

184 


32,511,000 


United Stalest 

Uruguay _ 

Venezuela 


II 100,705.5 ',4 
1,750.5:20 
2,582,025 









♦Activo Militia. tTroops of the line. J.Authorized army, 100,000. SShifjs 
of all kinds, built and building in 1904. ^In most cases the figures are for 
1903-1904. llFiscal year 1903. , 

Note.— According to the above table the total number of men undt r arms 
in the world is approximately 5.500,000, not counting reserves, marini.s and 
sailors in the navies. The total cost of the militarv and naval establishments 
of the world for one year is appro.\imately 51,500,000,000. 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



PAGE. 

Advantages of Citizen 19 

Agricultural Products 96 

Alaska 476 

American History 62 

America Holds the Future. .. . 103 

American Independence 49 

Anthracite Coal Strike 348 

Arbitration, Internationa! 4"3 

Arbitration 348 

Armies and Navies 489 

Atlantic Cable 118 

Australian Ballot , 184 

Ballot, Corrupt and Ignorant 107 

Ballot 180 

Ballot Reform 180, 193 

Ballot an Educator 200 

Bimetallism 461 

Board of Labor Conciliation . . 362 
Bryan, William J 459 

Cable, Atlantic 118 

Cables, Different Lines 120 

Capital Punishment 286 

Carnegie's Gifts 4S4 

Chicago 84 

Chicago Stock Yards 87 

Cities, Government of 

Large 106, 336 

Cities, Growth of 82 

Citizens, The 19 

Citizensliip 30 

Civil Rights 37 

Civil Service Reform 326 

Civil Service Rules 332 

Coins. Chief of U. S 451 

Coinage 460 

Coinage Statistics 452 

Commercial Feudalism 388 

Common School System 297 

Competition that Kills 368 

Congress and Parliaments. .. . 168 

Congress, Changes in 176 

Constitution of United States.. 147 
Corner Stones of Am. History 62 

Cost of Wars 487 

Cotton Gin 109 

Crime, Education and 281 

Cows, Number and X'alue 279 

Cumulative \'oting 193 

Current Problems and Topics. 281 

Dangers. Threatening 105 

Debt, Mortgage and Public.. . 295 

490 



PAGE. 
Declaration of Independence. . 142 

Decoration Day 73 

Demonetization of Silver 461 

Departments of Government. . 160 

Double Standard 455 

Duties of Citizen 20 

Drink Bill 376 

Education 281 

Educational Institution 103 

Educational Qualifications for 

\'oting 191 

Electoral \'ote by States 252 

Electoral Vote 252 

Electric Light 133 

Emancipation I'roclamation.. . 159 
Explanation of "16 to 1" 458 

Families and Homes 254 

Farmer, The 276 

Filibustering 239 

First Canals 80 

First Congress 49 

Flag, National 65 

Foreign Ownership of Land.. . 323 

Free Coinage 460 

Free Silver 466 

Free Trade 401 

Fulton's Steamboat 121 

Gerrymandering 241 

Gold and Silver Legislation.. . 455 
Gold and Silver Statistics. .. . 452 

Gold Standard 455 

Good Times 469 

Government of Canal Zone... . 259 
Government of Large Cities.. . 336 
Government Control of R. R. . 394 
Government, Departments of. . 160 
Government. Receipts and 

Expenditures 454 

Grand Army Statistics 478 

Growth of Cities 82 

Hawaii 476 

History of N'oting ISO 

Homestead Laws' ill 

Hope of Our Public School.. . 302 
How to Become a Speaker. ... 40 

How liills arc Passed 162 

How Land is Surveyed 319 

How Laws are made lo2 

How Logan was IClected 194 

How to I^ocate Land 321 

Horses, Number and \'alue. .. 278 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 



491 



PAGE. 

Immigration 105, 253 

Industry, Our 100 

Ingenuity, Our 100 

Intemperance Iu5, 282, 372 

International Arbitration 473 

Invention of Electric Light.. . 133 

Inventors and Inventions 108 

Irrigation Statistics 262 

Issues of the Day 339 

Killing Cattle at Armour's. . . 87 
Killing Hogs at Armour's. ... 89 

L^bor conciliation 362 

Labor Emancipated 369 

Labor Legislation 365 

Labor Organized 363 

Labor, Principles of 363 

Land and Land Laws 319 

Land Owned by Foreigners.. . 323 

Legal Tender 457 

Liberties, Constitutional 98 

NIcKinley and Wilson Bills.. . 407 

^lilitary Academy 318 

Military Naval School 315 

INIilitary Training in Schools. . 312 

Mineral Resources, Our 96 

Money, Commodities Used. .. . 442 

^Ioney, Circulation 453 

Ikloney, First in America 436 

Money, Cold and Silver 449 

Money, Paper 440 

j\Ioney, Philosophy and Laws. .443 

Money, Volume 462 

Monopoly, Evils of 387 

Monroe Doctrine 472 

Morse's Trial 113 

Mortgage Debt 295 

l^Iules, Number and Value. .. . 278 

National Encampments 478 

National Irrigation 260 

Naturalization Laws 31 

Naval Academy 315 

New Era in Traveling 132 

New York 82 

Occupations in tlie United 

States 482 

Origin of Decoration Day 7i 

Origin of Flag 65 

Origin of Political Parties. .. . 217 
Origin of Thanksgiving Day. . 70 

Original Tbirteen States 92 

Our County 49 

Our Government 142 

Our National Greatness 91 

Panama Canal 256 

Panics, Ilistoo' of 420 



PAGE. 

Parliamentary Laws 44 

Parties. Rise and Fall 209 

Party C.overnmcnt 224 

Philanthropy, Our 100 

Pensions, Total Cost 479 

Philippines 476 

Philippine War 488 

Political Boss 227 

Political Parties Origin 217 

Political Complexion of States 245 

Political Rights 37 

Political Training for Citizens 22 
Popular Vote for President.. . 250 

Population, Our 94 

Population of Cities 485 

Porto Rico 475 

Presidents and their Cabinets. 246 

Presidential Vote 251 

Printing Telegraphs 120 

Prison Labor 283 

Prison Reform 283 

Private Car, The 272 

Protection 399 

Public Debt 295 

Public Gifts 484 

Public Schools 302 

Pullman Strike 343 

Qualifications for Voting 186 

Railroad Accidents 270 

Railroad, First 124 

Railroad's Right of Control.. . 396 

Railroad's Statistics 270 

Railway Systems 263 

Registration Law 185 

Regulation of Trusts 390 

Religious Denominations 255 

Responsibilities of Citizens.. . 19 
Rice Farming and Irrigation. . 261 
Right and Wrong of Strikes. . 358 

Right of Petition 239 

Rights of Citizens 33 

Scenery, Our 96 

School Savings Banks 306 

Seven Wonders of America.. . 91 

Sewing Machine, First 110 

Shall Women Vote? 197 

Sliecp, Number and \'alue. .. . 280 

Slicrman Anti-trust Law 386 

Silver Demonetization 461 

Sound Money 464 

Spoils System 233 

State Nicknames and Flowers 483 

State Papers 142 

Steamboat, First 120 

Steamboat. Fulton's 121 

Stockyards 87 

Story of Independence 49 



492 



ALPHABETICAL INDEX, 



PAGE. 
Story of Declaration of Inde- 
pendence 57 

Story of Telegraph 116 

Street Car. First 128 

Strikes and Lockouts 353 

Strikes, History 339 

Strikes, Prevention 356 

Strikes, Right and Wrong of. . 358 
Swine, Xumbcr and N'alue. .. . 280 

Tariff 

Tariff, History of 403 

Tariff, McKinley 407 

Tariff Commission League. .. . 410 

Tariff Rates 409 

Tariff Tables 411 

Taxing Powers 475 

Teamsters' Strike 354 

Telegraph, First Klectric 116 

Telephone, Discovery of 137 

Territorial Government V4 

Thanksgiving Day 70 

Thirteen Original States 92 

Tramp, Problem of 378 

Trusts. Causes and Effects. .. . 383 
Trust Problem Stated 390 



PAGE. 

Typesetting ^lachine 136 

Typewriter, Story of 137 

Universities and Colleges.... 480 

Value of Farm Products 276 

Voting ISO 

N'oting, Qualifications for 186 

Wages in Cities 253 

Wars, Chronology of 4S8 

Wars of United States 488 

Wealth, Centralization of 105 

Wealth, Our National yS 

What Americans Have Done. 73 

Wilson Rill 407 

Wines and Li'iuors Consumed 376 

Where Women \'ote 204 

World's Richest Men 477 

X Rays 139 

Young Man's First Vote 29 

Young Statesman's Oppor- 
tunity 27 



t 



LIBRARY OF 



CONGRESS 



013 980 618 9 



